Kapitel 95		Paper 95
Melkisedeks Lærdomme I Levanten		The Melchizedek Teachings in the Levant
95:0.1 (1042.1) Ligesom Indien gav ophav til mange af det østlige Asiens religioner og filosofier, var Levanten hjemsted for den vestlige verdens trosretninger. Salem-missionærerne spredte sig ud over hele det sydvestlige Asien, gennem Palæstina, Mesopotamien, Egypten, Iran og Arabien, og overalt forkyndte de de gode nyheder om Makiventa Melkisedeks evangelium. I nogle af disse lande bar deres lære frugt, i andre havde de varierende succes. Nogle gange skyldtes deres fiaskoer mangel på visdom, andre gange omstændigheder uden for deres kontrol.		95:0.1 (1042.1) AS INDIA gave rise to many of the religions and philosophies of eastern Asia, so the Levant was the homeland of the faiths of the Occidental world. The Salem missionaries spread out all over southwestern Asia, through Palestine, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Iran, and Arabia, everywhere proclaiming the good news of the gospel of Machiventa Melchizedek. In some of these lands their teachings bore fruit; in others they met with varying success. Sometimes their failures were due to lack of wisdom, sometimes to circumstances beyond their control.
1. Salemreligionen i mesopotamien ^top		1. The Salem Religion in Mesopotamia ^top
95:1.1 (1042.2) I 2000 f.Kr. havde Mesopotamiens religioner næsten mistet setiternes lære og var i høj grad under indflydelse af den primitive tro hos to grupper af indtrængere, de semitiske beduiner, der var trængt ind fra den vestlige ørken, og de barbariske ryttere, der var kommet ned fra nord.		95:1.1 (1042.2) By 2000 b.c. the religions of Mesopotamia had just about lost the teachings of the Sethites and were largely under the influence of the primitive beliefs of two groups of invaders, the Bedouin Semites who had filtered in from the western desert and the barbarian horsemen who had come down from the north.
95:1.2 (1042.3) Men de tidlige adamitiske folks skik med at ære den syvende dag i ugen forsvandt aldrig helt i Mesopotamien. Men i Melkisedek-æraen blev den syvende dag betragtet som det værste uheld. Den var tabubelagt; det var ulovligt at tage på rejse, lave mad eller tænde bål på den onde syvende dag. Jøderne tog mange af de mesopotamiske tabuer med tilbage til Palæstina, som de havde fundet baseret på den babyloniske fejring af den syvende dag, shabattum.		95:1.2 (1042.3) But the custom of the early Adamite peoples in honoring the seventh day of the week never completely disappeared in Mesopotamia. Only, during the Melchizedek era, the seventh day was regarded as the worst of bad luck. It was taboo-ridden; it was unlawful to go on a journey, cook food, or make a fire on the evil seventh day. The Jews carried back to Palestine many of the Mesopotamian taboos which they had found resting on the Babylonian observance of the seventh day, the Shabattum.
95:1.3 (1042.4) Selvom Salem-lærerne gjorde meget for at forfine og opløfte Mesopotamiens religioner, lykkedes det dem ikke at bringe de forskellige folkeslag til en permanent anerkendelse af én Gud. Denne lære fik overtaget i mere end hundrede og halvtreds år og gav derefter gradvist plads til den ældre tro på en mangfoldighed af guddomme.		95:1.3 (1042.4) Although the Salem teachers did much to refine and uplift the religions of Mesopotamia, they did not succeed in bringing the various peoples to the permanent recognition of one God. Such teaching gained the ascendancy for more than one hundred and fifty years and then gradually gave way to the older belief in a multiplicity of deities.
95:1.4 (1042.5) Salem-lærerne reducerede i høj grad antallet af guder i Mesopotamien og bragte på et tidspunkt de vigtigste guder ned på syv: Bel, Shamash, Nabu, Anu, Ea, Marduk og Sin. På højdepunktet af den nye lære ophøjede de tre af disse guder til overherredømme over alle andre, den babyloniske triade: Bel, Ea og Anu, guderne for jord, hav og himmel. Endnu andre triader voksede frem på forskellige lokaliteter, som alle mindede om anditernes og sumerernes treenighedslære og var baseret på salemiternes tro på Melkisedeks insignier af de tre cirkler.		95:1.4 (1042.5) The Salem teachers greatly reduced the number of the gods of Mesopotamia, at one time bringing the chief deities down to seven: Bel, Shamash, Nabu, Anu, Ea, Marduk, and Sin. At the height of the new teaching they exalted three of these gods to supremacy over all others, the Babylonian triad: Bel, Ea, and Anu, the gods of earth, sea, and sky. Still other triads grew up in different localities, all reminiscent of the trinity teachings of the Andites and the Sumerians and based on the belief of the Salemites in Melchizedek’s insignia of the three circles.
95:1.5 (1042.6) Lærerne fra Salem fik aldrig helt bugt med Ishtars popularitet, gudernes mor og den seksuelle frugtbarheds ånd. De gjorde meget for at forfine tilbedelsen af denne gudinde, men babylonierne og deres naboer var aldrig helt vokset fra deres forklædte former for sexdyrkelse. Det var blevet en universel praksis i hele Mesopotamien, at alle kvinder mindst én gang tidligt i livet underkastede sig en fremmeds favntag; man mente, at dette var en hengivenhed, som Ishtar krævede, og man mente, at frugtbarheden i høj grad var afhængig af dette sexoffer.		95:1.5 (1042.6) Never did the Salem teachers fully overcome the popularity of Ishtar, the mother of gods and the spirit of sex fertility. They did much to refine the worship of this goddess, but the Babylonians and their neighbors had never completely outgrown their disguised forms of sex worship. It had become a universal practice throughout Mesopotamia for all women to submit, at least once in early life, to the embrace of strangers; this was thought to be a devotion required by Ishtar, and it was believed that fertility was largely dependent on this sex sacrifice.
95:1.6 (1043.1) De tidlige fremskridt i Melkisedek-læren var meget tilfredsstillende, indtil Nabodad, lederen af skolen i Kish, besluttede at foretage et samlet angreb på den udbredte prostitutions praksis i templet. Men Salem-missionærerne fejlede i deres forsøg på at skabe denne sociale reform, og i ruinerne af denne fiasko led alle deres vigtigere åndelige og filosofiske lærdomme nederlag.		95:1.6 (1043.1) The early progress of the Melchizedek teaching was highly gratifying until Nabodad, the leader of the school at Kish, decided to make a concerted attack upon the prevalent practices of temple harlotry. But the Salem missionaries failed in their effort to bring about this social reform, and in the wreck of this failure all their more important spiritual and philosophic teachings went down in defeat.
95:1.7 (1043.2) Dette nederlag for Salem-evangeliet blev straks efterfulgt af en stor stigning i Ishtar-kulten, et ritual, der allerede havde invaderet Palæstina som Ashtoreth, Egypten som Isis, Grækenland som Aphrodite og de nordlige stammer som Astarte. Og det var i forbindelse med denne genoplivning af Ishtar-dyrkelsen, at de babyloniske præster igen begyndte at kigge på stjerner; astrologien oplevede sin sidste store mesopotamiske genoplivning, spådomskunst blev moderne, og i århundreder blev præsteskabet mere og mere forringet.		95:1.7 (1043.2) This defeat of the Salem gospel was immediately followed by a great increase in the cult of Ishtar, a ritual which had already invaded Palestine as Ashtoreth, Egypt as Isis, Greece as Aphrodite, and the northern tribes as Astarte. And it was in connection with this revival of the worship of Ishtar that the Babylonian priests turned anew to stargazing; astrology experienced its last great Mesopotamian revival, fortunetelling became the vogue, and for centuries the priesthood increasingly deteriorated.
95:1.8 (1043.3) Melkisedek havde advaret sine tilhængere om at undervise om den ene Gud, Faderen og skaberen af alt, og om kun at forkynde evangeliet om guddommelig nåde gennem tro alene. Men det har ofte været en fejl for lærerne af den nye sandhed at forsøge for meget, at forsøge at erstatte den langsomme evolution med en pludselig revolution. Melkisedek-missionærerne i Mesopotamien hævede en moralsk standard, der var for høj for folket; de forsøgte for meget, og deres ædle sag led nederlag. De havde fået til opgave at forkynde et bestemt evangelium, at proklamere sandheden om den universelle Faders virkelighed, men de blev viklet ind i den tilsyneladende værdige sag at reformere sæder og skikke, og således blev deres store mission kørt ud på et sidespor og næsten tabt i frustration og glemsel.		95:1.8 (1043.3) Melchizedek had warned his followers to teach about the one God, the Father and Maker of all, and to preach only the gospel of divine favor through faith alone. But it has often been the error of the teachers of new truth to attempt too much, to attempt to supplant slow evolution by sudden revolution. The Melchizedek missionaries in Mesopotamia raised a moral standard too high for the people; they attempted too much, and their noble cause went down in defeat. They had been commissioned to preach a definite gospel, to proclaim the truth of the reality of the Universal Father, but they became entangled in the apparently worthy cause of reforming the mores, and thus was their great mission sidetracked and virtually lost in frustration and oblivion.
95:1.9 (1043.4) I løbet af en generation ophørte Salems hovedkvarter i Kish, og propagandaen for troen på én Gud ophørte stort set i hele Mesopotamien. Men resterne af Salem-skolerne bestod. Små grupper spredt her og der fortsatte deres tro på den ene Skaber og kæmpede mod de mesopotamiske præsters afgudsdyrkelse og umoral.		95:1.9 (1043.4) In one generation the Salem headquarters at Kish came to an end, and the propaganda of the belief in one God virtually ceased throughout Mesopotamia. But remnants of the Salem schools persisted. Small bands scattered here and there continued their belief in the one Creator and fought against the idolatry and immorality of the Mesopotamian priests.
95:1.10 (1043.5) Det var Salem-missionærerne i perioden efter afvisningen af deres lære, der skrev mange af Det Gamle Testamentes salmer og indskrev dem på sten, hvor senere tiders hebraiske præster fandt dem under fangenskabet og efterfølgende inkorporerede dem i den samling af salmer, der tilskrives jødisk forfatterskab. Disse smukke salmer fra Babylon blev ikke skrevet i Bel-Marduks templer; de blev skrevet af efterkommere af de tidligere missionærer fra Salem, og de er en slående kontrast til de babylonske præsters magiske sammenblandinger. Jobs Bog er en ret god afspejling af læren fra Salem-skolen i Kish og i hele Mesopotamien.		95:1.10 (1043.5) It was the Salem missionaries of the period following the rejection of their teaching who wrote many of the Old Testament Psalms, inscribing them on stone, where later-day Hebrew priests found them during the captivity and subsequently incorporated them among the collection of hymns ascribed to Jewish authorship. These beautiful psalms from Babylon were not written in the temples of Bel-Marduk; they were the work of the descendants of the earlier Salem missionaries, and they are a striking contrast to the magical conglomerations of the Babylonian priests. The Book of Job is a fairly good reflection of the teachings of the Salem school at Kish and throughout Mesopotamia.
95:1.11 (1043.6) MMeget af den mesopotamiske religiøse kultur fandt vej til hebraisk litteratur og liturgi via Egypten gennem Amenemopes og Ikhnatons arbejde. Egypterne bevarede på bemærkelsesværdig vis læren om sociale forpligtelser, som stammede fra de tidligere anditiske mesopotamiere, og som i høj grad gik tabt for de senere babyloniere, der besatte Eufrat-dalen.		95:1.11 (1043.6) Much of the Mesopotamian religious culture found its way into Hebrew literature and liturgy by way of Egypt through the work of Amenemope and Ikhnaton. The Egyptians remarkably preserved the teachings of social obligation derived from the earlier Andite Mesopotamians and so largely lost by the later Babylonians who occupied the Euphrates valley.
2. Den tidlige religion i egypten ^top		2. Early Egyptian Religion ^top
95:2.1 (1043.7) Den oprindelige Melkisedek-lære slog i virkeligheden sine dybeste rødder i Egypten, hvorfra den efterfølgende spredte sig til Europa. Den evolutionære religion i Nildalen blev med jævne mellemrum forstærket af ankomsten af overlegne stammer af noditiske, adamitiske og senere anditiske folk fra Eufratdalen. Fra tid til anden var mange af de egyptiske civile administratorer sumerere. Ligesom Indien i disse dage husede den største blanding af verdens racer, så fostrede Egypten den mest grundigt blandede form for religiøs filosofi, der findes på Urantia, og fra Nildalen spredte den sig til mange dele af verden. Jøderne fik meget af deres idé om verdens skabelse fra babylonierne, men de fik begrebet guddommeligt forsyn fra egypterne.		95:2.1 (1043.7) The original Melchizedek teachings really took their deepest root in Egypt, from where they subsequently spread to Europe. The evolutionary religion of the Nile valley was periodically augmented by the arrival of superior strains of Nodite, Adamite, and later Andite peoples of the Euphrates valley. From time to time, many of the Egyptian civil administrators were Sumerians. As India in these days harbored the highest mixture of the world races, so Egypt fostered the most thoroughly blended type of religious philosophy to be found on Urantia, and from the Nile valley it spread to many parts of the world. The Jews received much of their idea of the creation of the world from the Babylonians, but they derived the concept of divine Providence from the Egyptians.
95:2.2 (1044.1) Det var politiske og moralske, snarere end filosofiske eller religiøse, tendenser, der gjorde Egypten mere gunstig over for Salem-læren end Mesopotamien. Hver stammeleder i Egypten forsøgte efter at have kæmpet sig til tronen at forevige sit dynasti ved at proklamere sin stammegud som den oprindelige guddom og skaberen af alle andre guder. På denne måde vænnede egypterne sig gradvist til tanken om en supergud, et springbræt til den senere doktrin om en universel skaberguddom. Ideen om monoteisme bølgede frem og tilbage i Egypten i mange århundreder, hvor troen på én gud altid vandt terræn, men aldrig helt dominerede de udviklende begreber om polyteisme.		95:2.2 (1044.1) It was political and moral, rather than philosophic or religious, tendencies that rendered Egypt more favorable to the Salem teaching than Mesopotamia. Each tribal leader in Egypt, after fighting his way to the throne, sought to perpetuate his dynasty by proclaiming his tribal god the original deity and creator of all other gods. In this way the Egyptians gradually got used to the idea of a supergod, a steppingstone to the later doctrine of a universal creator Deity. The idea of monotheism wavered back and forth in Egypt for many centuries, the belief in one God always gaining ground but never quite dominating the evolving concepts of polytheism.
95:2.3 (1044.2) I årevis havde de egyptiske folk dyrket naturguderne, og især havde hver af de to snese separate stammer en særlig gruppegud, hvor én dyrkede tyren, en anden løven, en tredje vædderen og så videre. Endnu tidligere havde de været totemstammer, meget lig indianerne.		95:2.3 (1044.2) For ages the Egyptian peoples had been given to the worship of nature gods; more particularly did each of the two-score separate tribes have a special group god, one worshiping the bull, another the lion, a third the ram, and so on. Still earlier they had been totem tribes, very much like the Amerinds.
95:2.4 (1044.3) Med tiden observerede egypterne, at døde kroppe placeret i grave uden mursten blev bevaret—balsameret—af det sodaimprægnerede sand, mens de, der var begravet i murstenshvælvinger, gik i forrådnelse. Disse observationer førte til de eksperimenter, som resulterede i den senere praksis med at balsamere de døde. Egypterne mente, at bevarelse af kroppen lettede ens passage gennem det fremtidige liv. For at personen kunne blive identificeret i en fjern fremtid, efter at kroppen var gået i forrådnelse, lagde de en gravstatue i graven sammen med liget og skar et billede på kisten. Fremstillingen af disse gravstatuer førte til store forbedringer i egyptisk kunst.		95:2.4 (1044.3) In time the Egyptians observed that dead bodies placed in brickless graves were preserved—embalmed—by the action of the soda-impregnated sand, while those buried in brick vaults decayed. These observations led to those experiments which resulted in the later practice of embalming the dead. The Egyptians believed that preservation of the body facilitated one’s passage through the future life. That the individual might properly be identified in the distant future after the decay of the body, they placed a burial statue in the tomb along with the corpse, carving a likeness on the coffin. The making of these burial statues led to great improvement in Egyptian art.
95:2.5 (1044.4) I århundreder satte egypterne deres lid til gravene som beskyttere af kroppen og den deraf følgende behagelige overlevelse efter døden. Den senere udvikling af magiske skikke, mens de var belastende for livet fra vugge til grav, befriede dem mest effektivt fra gravenes religion. Præsterne indskrev kisterne med magiske tekster, som man mente beskyttede en “mand mod at få sit hjerte taget fra sig i den underjordiske verden.” I dag er et varieret udvalg af disse magiske tekster samlet og bevaret som De Dødes Bog. Men i Nildalen blev magiske ritualer tidligt involveret i samvittighedens og karakterens verden i en grad, som datidens ritualer ikke ofte opnåede. Og senere var det disse etiske og moralske idealer, snarere end kunstfærdige grave, man var afhængig af for at blive frelst.		95:2.5 (1044.4) For centuries the Egyptians placed their faith in tombs as the safeguard of the body and of consequent pleasurable survival after death. The later evolution of magical practices, while burdensome to life from the cradle to the grave, most effectually delivered them from the religion of the tombs. The priests would inscribe the coffins with charm texts which were believed to be protection against a “man’s having his heart taken away from him in the nether world.” Presently a diverse assortment of these magical texts was collected and preserved as The Book of the Dead. But in the Nile valley magical ritual early became involved with the realms of conscience and character to a degree not often attained by the rituals of those days. And subsequently these ethical and moral ideals, rather than elaborate tombs, were depended upon for salvation.
95:2.6 (1044.5) Overtroen i disse tider illustreres godt af den generelle tro på spyt som et helbredende middel, en idé, der havde sin oprindelse i Egypten og spredte sig derfra til Arabien og Mesopotamien. I Horus’ legendariske kamp mod Seth mistede den unge gud sit øje, men efter at Seth var besejret, blev dette øje genskabt af den vise gud Thoth, som spyttede på såret og helede det.		95:2.6 (1044.5) The superstitions of these times are well illustrated by the general belief in the efficacy of spittle as a healing agent, an idea which had its origin in Egypt and spread therefrom to Arabia and Mesopotamia. In the legendary battle of Horus with Set the young god lost his eye, but after Set was vanquished, this eye was restored by the wise god Thoth, who spat upon the wound and healed it.
95:2.7 (1044.6) Egypterne troede længe, at de blinkende stjerner på nattehimlen repræsenterede de værdige dødes overlevende sjæle; andre overlevende mente de blev absorberet i solen. I løbet af en vis periode blev soldyrkelse en form for forfædredyrkelse. Den store pyramides skrånende indgangspassage pegede direkte mod polarstjernen, så kongens sjæl, når den kom ud af graven, kunne gå direkte til de stationære og etablerede konstellationer af fixstjerner, kongernes formodede opholdssted.		95:2.7 (1044.6) The Egyptians long believed that the stars twinkling in the night sky represented the survival of the souls of the worthy dead; other survivors they thought were absorbed into the sun. During a certain period, solar veneration became a species of ancestor worship. The sloping entrance passage of the great pyramid pointed directly toward the Pole Star so that the soul of the king, when emerging from the tomb, could go straight to the stationary and established constellations of the fixed stars, the supposed abode of the kings.
95:2.8 (1045.1) Når man så solens skrå stråler trænge ned mod jorden gennem en åbning i skyerne, troede man, at det var et tegn på, at der var en himmelsk trappe, som kongen og andre retfærdige sjæle kunne stige op ad. “Kong Pepi har lagt sin stråleglans ned som en trappe under sine fødder, hvorpå han kan stige op til sin mor.”		95:2.8 (1045.1) When the oblique rays of the sun were observed penetrating earthward through an aperture in the clouds, it was believed that they betokened the letting down of a celestial stairway whereon the king and other righteous souls might ascend. “King Pepi has put down his radiance as a stairway under his feet whereon to ascend to his mother.”
95:2.9 (1045.2) Da Melkisedek viste sig i kød og blod, havde egypterne en religion, der lå langt over de omkringliggende folkeslags. De troede, at hvis en sjæl havde forladt kroppen, var korrekt bevæbnet med magiske formler, kunne den undgå de mellemliggende onde ånder og bane sig vej til Osiris domssal, som, hvis den var uskyldig i “mord, røveri, løgn, ægteskabsbrud, tyveri, og egoisme,” ville blive optaget til lyksalighedens riger. Hvis denne sjæl, når den blev vejet på vægten blev fundet for let, ville den blive afsendt til helvede, til den Altopslugende. Det var en relativ, avanceret opfattelse om et fremtidigt liv i sammenligning med overbevisningerne af mange omkringliggende folkeslag.		95:2.9 (1045.2) When Melchizedek appeared in the flesh, the Egyptians had a religion far above that of the surrounding peoples. They believed that a disembodied soul, if properly armed with magic formulas, could evade the intervening evil spirits and make its way to the judgment hall of Osiris, where, if innocent of “murder, robbery, falsehood, adultery, theft, and selfishness,” it would be admitted to the realms of bliss. If this soul were weighed in the balances and found wanting, it would be consigned to hell, to the Devouress. And this was, relatively, an advanced concept of a future life in comparison with the beliefs of many surrounding peoples.
95:2.10 (1045.3) Tanken om en dom i det hinsides for synderne i ens liv i kødet på jorden blev overført til hebraisk teologi fra Egypten. Ordet dom optræder kun én gang i hele den hebraiske salmebog, og netop den salme blev skrevet af en egypter.		95:2.10 (1045.3) The concept of judgment in the hereafter for the sins of one’s life in the flesh on earth was carried over into Hebrew theology from Egypt. The word judgment appears only once in the entire Book of Hebrew Psalms, and that particular psalm was written by an Egyptian.
3. Moralbegrebernes udvikling ^top		3. Evolution of Moral Concepts ^top
95:3.1 (1045.4) Selvom Egyptens kultur og religion hovedsageligt stammer fra det anditiske Mesopotamien og i vid udstrækning blev overført til senere civilisationer gennem hebræerne og grækerne, opstod meget, vældigt meget af egypternes sociale og etiske idealisme i Nildalen som en rent evolutionær udvikling. På trods af importen af megen sandhed og kultur af anditisk oprindelse, udviklede der sig i Egypten mere moralsk kultur som en rent menneskelig udvikling, end der viste sig ved lignende naturlige teknikker i noget andet afgrænset område før Mikaels overdragelse.		95:3.1 (1045.4) Although the culture and religion of Egypt were chiefly derived from Andite Mesopotamia and largely transmitted to subsequent civilizations through the Hebrews and Greeks, much, very much, of the social and ethical idealism of the Egyptians arose in the valley of the Nile as a purely evolutionary development. Notwithstanding the importation of much truth and culture of Andite origin, there evolved in Egypt more of moral culture as a purely human development than appeared by similar natural techniques in any other circumscribed area prior to the bestowal of Michael.
95:3.2 (1045.5) Moralsk evolution er ikke helt afhængig af åbenbaring. Høje moralske begreber kan udledes af menneskets egne erfaringer. Mennesket kan endda udvikle åndelige værdier og udlede kosmisk indsigt af sin personlige erfaring, fordi en guddommelig ånd bor i det. En sådan naturlig udvikling af samvittighed og karakter blev også forstærket af den periodiske ankomst af sandhedens lærere, i oldtiden fra det andet Eden, senere fra Melkisedeks hovedkvarter i Salem.		95:3.2 (1045.5) Moral evolution is not wholly dependent on revelation. High moral concepts can be derived from man’s own experience. Man can even evolve spiritual values and derive cosmic insight from his personal experiential living because a divine spirit indwells him. Such natural evolutions of conscience and character were also augmented by the periodic arrival of teachers of truth, in ancient times from the second Eden, later on from Melchizedek’s headquarters at Salem.
95:3.3 (1045.6) Tusindvis af år før Salem-evangeliet trængte ind i Egypten, underviste dets moralske ledere i retfærdighed, fairness og i at undgå griskhed. Tre tusind år før de hebraiske skrifter blev skrevet, var egypternes motto: “På sikker grund står det menneske, hvis norm er retfærdighed; og som går ad dets vej.” De underviste i mildhed, mådehold og diskretion. Budskabet fra en af de store lærere i denne epoke var: “Gør det rigtige og handl retfærdigt med alle.” Den egyptiske triade i denne tidsalder var sandhed-retfærdighed-retskaffenhed. Af alle de rent menneskelige religioner på Urantia var der ingen, der nogensinde overgik de sociale idealer og den moralske storhed i denne humanisme fra Nildalen.		95:3.3 (1045.6) Thousands of years before the Salem gospel penetrated to Egypt, its moral leaders taught justice, fairness, and the avoidance of avarice. Three thousand years before the Hebrew scriptures were written, the motto of the Egyptians was: “Established is the man whose standard is righteousness; who walks according to its way.” They taught gentleness, moderation, and discretion. The message of one of the great teachers of this epoch was: “Do right and deal justly with all.” The Egyptian triad of this age was Truth-Justice-Righteousness. Of all the purely human religions of Urantia none ever surpassed the social ideals and the moral grandeur of this onetime humanism of the Nile valley.
95:3.4 (1045.7) I jorden af disse skiftende etiske idéer og moralske idealer blomstrede de overlevende doktriner fra Salem-religionen. Begreberne godt og ondt fandt en klar respons i hjerterne på et folk, der mente, at “Livet er givet til de fredsommelige, og døden til de skyldige.” “Fredelig er den der gør hvad der er elsket; den skyldige er den, der gør, hvad der er hadet.” I århundreder havde indbyggerne i Nildalen levet efter disse nye etiske og sociale standarder, før de nogensinde gav en tanke til de senere begreber rigtigt og forkert—godt og ondt.		95:3.4 (1045.7) In the soil of these evolving ethical ideas and moral ideals the surviving doctrines of the Salem religion flourished. The concepts of good and evil found ready response in the hearts of a people who believed that “Life is given to the peaceful and death to the guilty.” “The peaceful is he who does what is loved; the guilty is he who does what is hated.” For centuries the inhabitants of the Nile valley had lived by these emerging ethical and social standards before they ever entertained the later concepts of right and wrong—good and bad.
95:3.5 (1046.1) Egypten var intellektuel og moralsk, men ikke særlig åndeligt. I seks tusinde år opstod kun fire store profeter blandt egypterne. Amenemope fulgte de for en tid; Okhban myrdede de; Ikhnaton accepterede de, men halvhjertet for en kort generation; Moses forkastede de. Igen var det politisk snarere end religiøse forhold, der gjorde det let for Abraham og senere, for Josef at øve stor indflydelse i hele Egypten på vegne af Salemlæren om én Gud. Da Salemmissionærerne først trængte ind i Egypten, mødte de denne høje etiske evolutionsbaserede kultur blandet med de modificerede moralnormer som nedstammede fra de mesopotamiske indvandrere. Disse tidligere lærere i Nildalen var de første til at proklamere at samvittighed er Guds mandat, Guddommens stemme.		95:3.5 (1046.1) Egypt was intellectual and moral but not overly spiritual. In six thousand years only four great prophets arose among the Egyptians. Amenemope they followed for a season; Okhban they murdered; Ikhnaton they accepted but halfheartedly for one short generation; Moses they rejected. Again was it political rather than religious circumstances that made it easy for Abraham and, later on, for Joseph to exert great influence throughout Egypt in behalf of the Salem teachings of one God. But when the Salem missionaries first entered Egypt, they encountered this highly ethical culture of evolution blended with the modified moral standards of Mesopotamian immigrants. These early Nile valley teachers were the first to proclaim conscience as the mandate of God, the voice of Deity.
4. Amenemopes lære ^top		4. The Teachings of Amenemope ^top
95:4.1 (1046.2) I rette tid voksede der en lærer op i Egypten som mange kaldte “menneskesøn” og af andre Amenemope. Denne seer ophøjede samvittigheden til overdommeren mellem rigtigt og forkert, underviste i straf for synd, og proklamerede frelse gennem påkaldelse af solens gud.		95:4.1 (1046.2) In due time there grew up in Egypt a teacher called by many the “son of man” and by others Amenemope. This seer exalted conscience to its highest pinnacle of arbitrament between right and wrong, taught punishment for sin, and proclaimed salvation through calling upon the solar deity.
95:4.2 (1046.3) Amenemope lærte, at rigdom og lykke var en gave fra Gud, og dette koncept kom til at præge den senere hebraiske filosofi. Denne ædle lærer mente, at Gudsbevidsthed var den afgørende faktor i al adfærd; at hvert øjeblik skulle leves i erkendelse af Guds tilstedeværelse og ansvar over for ham. Denne vismands lære blev efterfølgende oversat til hebraisk og blev dette folks hellige bog, længe før Det Gamle Testamente blev nedskrevet. Denne gode mands vigtigste budskab handlede om at instruere sin søn i retskaffenhed og ærlighed i offentlige tillidsposter, og disse ædle følelser fra for længe siden ville gøre enhver moderne statsmand ære.		95:4.2 (1046.3) Amenemope taught that riches and fortune were the gift of God, and this concept thoroughly colored the later appearing Hebrew philosophy. This noble teacher believed that God-consciousness was the determining factor in all conduct; that every moment should be lived in the realization of the presence of, and responsibility to, God. The teachings of this sage were subsequently translated into Hebrew and became the sacred book of that people long before the Old Testament was reduced to writing. The chief preachment of this good man had to do with instructing his son in uprightness and honesty in governmental positions of trust, and these noble sentiments of long ago would do honor to any modern statesman.
95:4.3 (1046.4) Denne kloge mand fra Nilen lærte, at “rigdom får vinger og flyver væk”—at alle jordiske ting er forgængelige. Hans store bøn var at blive “frelst fra frygt”. Han formanede alle til at vende sig fra “menneskers ord” til “Guds handlinger.” I bund og grund lærte han: Mennesket foreslår, men Gud bestemmer. Hans lære, oversat til hebraisk, var bestemmende for filosofien i Ordsprogenes Bog i Det Gamle Testamente. Oversat til græsk gav de farve til al efterfølgende hellensk religiøs filosofi. Den senere alexandrinske filosof, Filon, havde en kopi af Visdommens Bog.		95:4.3 (1046.4) This wise man of the Nile taught that “riches take themselves wings and fly away”—that all things earthly are evanescent. His great prayer was to be “saved from fear.” He exhorted all to turn away from “the words of men” to “the acts of God.” In substance he taught: Man proposes but God disposes. His teachings, translated into Hebrew, determined the philosophy of the Old Testament Book of Proverbs. Translated into Greek, they gave color to all subsequent Hellenic religious philosophy. The later Alexandrian philosopher, Philo, possessed a copy of the Book of Wisdom.
95:4.4 (1046.5) Amenemope bevarede evolutionens etik og åbenbaringens moral, og i sine skrifter gav han dem videre til både hebræerne og grækerne. Han var ikke den største af de religiøse lærere i denne tidsalder, men han var den mest indflydelsesrige, fordi han farvede den efterfølgende tankegang hos to vitale led i væksten af den vestlige civilisation—hebræerne, blandt hvem højdepunktet af den vestlige religiøse tro udviklede sig, og grækerne, som udviklede den rene filosofiske tankegang til dens største europæiske højder.		95:4.4 (1046.5) Amenemope functioned to conserve the ethics of evolution and the morals of revelation and in his writings passed them on both to the Hebrews and to the Greeks. He was not the greatest of the religious teachers of this age, but he was the most influential in that he colored the subsequent thought of two vital links in the growth of Occidental civilization—the Hebrews, among whom evolved the acme of Occidental religious faith, and the Greeks, who developed pure philosophic thought to its greatest European heights.
95:4.5 (1046.6) I hebræernes Ordsprogene Bog, er kapitel femten, sytten, tyve og kapitel toogtyve, vers sytten, til kapitel fireogtyve, vers toogtyve, taget næsten ordret fra Amenemopes Visdomsbog. Den første salme i den hebraiske Salmernes Bog blev skrevet af Amenemope og er kernen i Ikhnatons lære.		95:4.5 (1046.6) In the Book of Hebrew Proverbs, chapters fifteen, seventeen, twenty, and chapter twenty-two, verse seventeen, to chapter twenty-four, verse twenty-two, are taken almost verbatim from Amenemope’s Book of Wisdom. The first psalm of the Hebrew Book of Psalms was written by Amenemope and is the heart of the teachings of Ikhnaton.
5. Den bemærkelsesværdige ikhnaton ^top		5. The Remarkable Ikhnaton ^top
95:5.1 (1047.1) Amenemopes lære var langsomt ved at miste sit greb om det egyptiske sind, da en kvinde fra den kongelige familie gennem indflydelse fra en egyptisk salemitisk læge tilsluttede sig Melkisedeks lære. Denne kvinde overtalte sin søn, Ikhnaton, Farao af Egypten, til at acceptere disse doktriner om én Gud.		95:5.1 (1047.1) The teachings of Amenemope were slowly losing their hold on the Egyptian mind when, through the influence of an Egyptian Salemite physician, a woman of the royal family espoused the Melchizedek teachings. This woman prevailed upon her son, Ikhnaton, Pharaoh of Egypt, to accept these doctrines of One God.
95:5.2 (1047.2) Efter at Melkisedek forsvandt i kødelig form, havde intet menneske indtil da haft et så forbløffende klart begreb om Salems åbenbarede religion som Ikhnaton. I nogle henseender er denne unge egyptiske konge en af de mest bemærkelsesværdige personer i menneskets historie. I denne tid med stigende åndelig depression i Mesopotamien holdt han doktrinen om El Elyon, Den Ene Gud, i live i Egypten og opretholdt dermed den filosofiske monoteistiske kanal, som var afgørende for den religiøse baggrund for den daværende fremtidige overdragelse af Mikael. Og det var blandt andet i erkendelse af denne bedrift, at Jesusbarnet blev bragt til Egypten, hvor nogle af Ikhnatons åndelige efterfølgere så ham og til en vis grad forstod visse faser af hans guddommelige mission til Urantia.		95:5.2 (1047.2) Since the disappearance of Melchizedek in the flesh, no human being up to that time had possessed such an amazingly clear concept of the revealed religion of Salem as Ikhnaton. In some respects this young Egyptian king is one of the most remarkable persons in human history. During this time of increasing spiritual depression in Mesopotamia, he kept alive the doctrine of El Elyon, the One God, in Egypt, thus maintaining the philosophic monotheistic channel which was vital to the religious background of the then future bestowal of Michael. And it was in recognition of this exploit, among other reasons, that the child Jesus was taken to Egypt, where some of the spiritual successors of Ikhnaton saw him and to some extent understood certain phases of his divine mission to Urantia.
95:5.3 (1047.3) Moses, den største karakter mellem Melkisedek og Jesus, var den hebraiske races og den egyptiske kongefamilies fælles gave til verden; og hvis Ikhnaton havde været lige så alsidig og vidende som Moses, og havde han manifesterede en politisk genialitet til at matche hans overraskende religiøse lederskab, så ville Egypten være blevet den store monoteistiske nation i denne tidsalder; og hvis dette var sket, er det meget muligt, at Jesus kunne have levet størstedelen af sit jordiske liv i Egypten.		95:5.3 (1047.3) Moses, the greatest character between Melchizedek and Jesus, was the joint gift to the world of the Hebrew race and the Egyptian royal family; and had Ikhnaton possessed the versatility and ability of Moses, had he manifested a political genius to match his surprising religious leadership, then would Egypt have become the great monotheistic nation of that age; and if this had happened, it is barely possible that Jesus might have lived the greater portion of his mortal life in Egypt.
95:5.4 (1047.4) Aldrig før i historien har en konge så metodisk svinget en hel nation fra polyteisme til monoteisme, som denne ekstraordinære Ikhnaton gjorde. Med den mest fantastiske beslutsomhed brød denne unge hersker med fortiden, skiftede navn, forlod sin hovedstad, byggede en helt ny by og skabte en ny kunst og litteratur for et helt folk. Men han gik for hurtigt frem; han byggede for meget, mere end der kunne stå, når han var væk. Igen undlod han at sørge for sit folks materielle stabilitet og velstand, hvilket alt sammen reagerede negativt på hans religiøse lære, da de efterfølgende flodbølger af modgang og undertrykkelse skyllede ind over egypterne.		95:5.4 (1047.4) Never in all history did any king so methodically proceed to swing a whole nation from polytheism to monotheism as did this extraordinary Ikhnaton. With the most amazing determination this young ruler broke with the past, changed his name, abandoned his capital, built an entirely new city, and created a new art and literature for a whole people. But he went too fast; he built too much, more than could stand when he had gone. Again, he failed to provide for the material stability and prosperity of his people, all of which reacted unfavorably against his religious teachings when the subsequent floods of adversity and oppression swept over the Egyptians.
95:5.5 (1047.5) Hvis denne mand med et utroligt klart syn og en ekstraordinær målrettethed havde haft Moses’ politiske klogskab, ville han have ændret hele historien om religionens udvikling og sandhedens åbenbaring i den vestlige verden. I sin levetid var han i stand til at bremse præsternes aktiviteter, som han generelt miskrediterede, men de opretholdt deres kulter i det skjulte og gik i aktion, så snart den unge konge mistede magten; og de var ikke sene til at forbinde alle Egyptens efterfølgende problemer med etableringen af monoteisme under hans regeringstid.		95:5.5 (1047.5) Had this man of amazingly clear vision and extraordinary singleness of purpose had the political sagacity of Moses, he would have changed the whole history of the evolution of religion and the revelation of truth in the Occidental world. During his lifetime he was able to curb the activities of the priests, whom he generally discredited, but they maintained their cults in secret and sprang into action as soon as the young king passed from power; and they were not slow to connect all of Egypt’s subsequent troubles with the establishment of monotheism during his reign.
95:5.6 (1047.6) Meget klogt forsøgte Ikhnaton at etablere monoteisme under dække af solguden. Denne beslutning om at nærme sig tilbedelsen af den Universelle Fader ved at absorbere alle guder i tilbedelsen af solen skyldtes råd fra den salemitiske læge. Ikhnaton tog de generaliserede doktriner fra den daværende Aton-tro om Guddommens faderskab og moderskab og skabte en religion, der anerkendte et intimt tilbedelsesforhold mellem menneske og Gud.		95:5.6 (1047.6) Very wisely Ikhnaton sought to establish monotheism under the guise of the sun-god. This decision to approach the worship of the Universal Father by absorbing all gods into the worship of the sun was due to the counsel of the Salemite physician. Ikhnaton took the generalized doctrines of the then existent Aton faith regarding the fatherhood and motherhood of Deity and created a religion which recognized an intimate worshipful relation between man and God.
95:5.7 (1048.1) Ikhnaton var klog nok til at opretholde den ydre tilbedelse af Aton, solguden, mens han ledte sine medarbejdere i den forklædte tilbedelse af Den Ene Gud, skaberen af Aton og alles højeste Fader. Denne unge lærerkonge var en produktiv skribent og forfatter til udstillingen med titlen “Den ene Gud,” en bog med 31 kapitler, som præsterne ødelagde fuldstændigt, da de kom tilbage til magten. Ikhnaton skrev også et hundrede og syvogtredive hymner, hvoraf tolv nu er bevaret i Salmernes Bog i Det Gamle Testamente, der tilskrives hebraisk forfatterskab.		95:5.7 (1048.1) Ikhnaton was wise enough to maintain the outward worship of Aton, the sun-god, while he led his associates in the disguised worship of the One God, creator of Aton and supreme Father of all. This young teacher-king was a prolific writer, being author of the exposition entitled “The One God,” a book of thirty-one chapters, which the priests, when returned to power, utterly destroyed. Ikhnaton also wrote one hundred and thirty-seven hymns, twelve of which are now preserved in the Old Testament Book of Psalms, credited to Hebrew authorship.
95:5.8 (1048.2) Det øverste ord i Ikhnatons religion i dagligdagen var “retfærdighed”, og han udvidede hurtigt begrebet om at gøre det rigtige til at omfatte international såvel som national etik. Dette var en generation med en fantastisk personlig fromhed, og den var kendetegnet ved en ægte stræben blandt de mere intelligente mænd og kvinder efter at finde Gud og lære ham at kende. På den tid gav social position eller rigdom ingen egyptere nogen fordel i lovens øjne. Familielivet i Egypten gjorde meget for at bevare og øge den moralske kultur og var inspirationen til det senere fantastiske familieliv hos jøderne i Palæstina.		95:5.8 (1048.2) The supreme word of Ikhnaton’s religion in daily life was “righteousness,” and he rapidly expanded the concept of right doing to embrace international as well as national ethics. This was a generation of amazing personal piety and was characterized by a genuine aspiration among the more intelligent men and women to find God and to know him. In those days social position or wealth gave no Egyptian any advantage in the eyes of the law. The family life of Egypt did much to preserve and augment moral culture and was the inspiration of the later superb family life of the Jews in Palestine.
95:5.9 (1048.3) Den fatale svaghed ved Ikhnatons evangelium var dets største sandhed, læren om, at Aton ikke kun var skaberen af Egypten, men også af “hele verden, mennesker og dyr, og alle de fremmede lande, selv Syrien og Kush, ud over dette Egyptens land. Han sætter alle på deres plads og forsyner alle med deres behov.” Disse forestillinger om Guddommen var høje og ophøjede, men de var ikke nationalistiske. Sådanne følelser af internationalitet i religionen kunne ikke øge den egyptiske hærs moral på slagmarken, mens de gav præsterne effektive våben at bruge mod den unge konge og hans nye religion. Han havde et gudsbegreb, der lå langt over de senere hebræeres, men det var for avanceret til at tjene en nationsopbyggers formål.		95:5.9 (1048.3) The fatal weakness of Ikhnaton’s gospel was its greatest truth, the teaching that Aton was not only the creator of Egypt but also of the “whole world, man and beasts, and all the foreign lands, even Syria and Kush, besides this land of Egypt. He sets all in their place and provides all with their needs.” These concepts of Deity were high and exalted, but they were not nationalistic. Such sentiments of internationality in religion failed to augment the morale of the Egyptian army on the battlefield, while they provided effective weapons for the priests to use against the young king and his new religion. He had a Deity concept far above that of the later Hebrews, but it was too advanced to serve the purposes of a nation builder.
95:5.10 (1048.4) Selvom det monoteistiske ideal led under Ikhnatons død, levede ideen om én gud videre i mange gruppers bevidsthed. Ikhnatons svigersøn gik sammen med præsterne tilbage til dyrkelsen af de gamle guder og ændrede sit navn til Tutankhamon. Hovedstaden vendte tilbage til Theben, og præsterne voksede sig fede på landet og kom til sidst i besiddelse af en syvendedel af hele Egypten; og på et tidspunkt dristede en af den samme orden af præster sig til at gribe kronen.		95:5.10 (1048.4) Though the monotheistic ideal suffered with the passing of Ikhnaton, the idea of one God persisted in the minds of many groups. The son-in-law of Ikhnaton went along with the priests, back to the worship of the old gods, changing his name to Tutankhamen. The capital returned to Thebes, and the priests waxed fat upon the land, eventually gaining possession of one seventh of all Egypt; and presently one of this same order of priests made bold to seize the crown.
95:5.11 (1048.5) Men præsterne kunne ikke helt overvinde den monoteistiske bølge. I stigende grad blev de tvunget til at kombinere og sætte bindestreg mellem deres guder; mere og mere blev gudefamilien indskrænket. Ikhnaton havde forbundet himlens flammende skive med skaberguden, og denne idé blev ved med at flamme op i menneskenes hjerter, selv i præsternes, længe efter at den unge reformator var gået bort. Konceptet om monoteisme døde aldrig ud af hjerterne på mennesker i Egypten og i verden. Det vedblev med at eksistere, selv da Skabersønnen fra den samme guddommelige Fader ankom, den ene Gud, som Ikhnaton så ivrigt havde proklameret til hele Egyptens tilbedelse.		95:5.11 (1048.5) But the priests could not fully overcome the monotheistic wave. Increasingly they were compelled to combine and hyphenate their gods; more and more the family of gods contracted. Ikhnaton had associated the flaming disc of the heavens with the creator God, and this idea continued to flame up in the hearts of men, even of the priests, long after the young reformer had passed on. Never did the concept of monotheism die out of the hearts of men in Egypt and in the world. It persisted even to the arrival of the Creator Son of that same divine Father, the one God whom Ikhnaton had so zealously proclaimed for the worship of all Egypt.
95:5.12 (1048.6) Svagheden ved Ikhnatons doktrin lå i, at han foreslog en så avanceret religion, at kun de uddannede egyptere fuldt ud kunne forstå hans lære. De menige landarbejdere forstod aldrig rigtig hans evangelium og var derfor klar til at vende tilbage med præsterne til den gammeldags tilbedelse af Isis og hendes gemal Osiris, som skulle være genopstået på mirakuløs vis fra en grusom død i hænderne på Set, mørkets og ondskabens gud.		95:5.12 (1048.6) The weakness of Ikhnaton’s doctrine lay in the fact that he proposed such an advanced religion that only the educated Egyptians could fully comprehend his teachings. The rank and file of the agricultural laborers never really grasped his gospel and were, therefore, ready to return with the priests to the old-time worship of Isis and her consort Osiris, who was supposed to have been miraculously resurrected from a cruel death at the hands of Set, the god of darkness and evil.
95:5.13 (1049.1) Læren om udødelighed for alle mennesker var for avanceret for egypterne. Kun konger og de rige blev lovet en opstandelse; derfor balsamerede og opbevarede de så omhyggeligt deres kroppe i grave mod dommens dag. Men demokratiet om frelse og opstandelse, som Ikhnaton underviste i, sejrede til sidst, selv i en sådan grad, at egypterne senere troede på overlevelse af stumme dyr.		95:5.13 (1049.1) The teaching of immortality for all men was too advanced for the Egyptians. Only kings and the rich were promised a resurrection; therefore did they so carefully embalm and preserve their bodies in tombs against the day of judgment. But the democracy of salvation and resurrection as taught by Ikhnaton eventually prevailed, even to the extent that the Egyptians later believed in the survival of dumb animals.
95:5.14 (1049.2) Selv om denne egyptiske herskers forsøg på at påtvinge sit folk tilbedelsen af én Gud tilsyneladende mislykkedes, bør det noteres, at eftervirkningerne af hans arbejde fortsatte i århundreder både i Palæstina og Grækenland, og at Egypten således blev agenten for overførslen af Nilens kombinerede evolutionære kultur og Eufrats åbenbaringsreligion til alle de efterfølgende folkeslag i Vesten.		95:5.14 (1049.2) Although the effort of this Egyptian ruler to impose the worship of one God upon his people appeared to fail, it should be recorded that the repercussions of his work persisted for centuries both in Palestine and Greece, and that Egypt thus became the agent for transmitting the combined evolutionary culture of the Nile and the revelatory religion of the Euphrates to all of the subsequent peoples of the Occident.
95:5.15 (1049.3) Glansen fra denne store æra med moralsk udvikling og åndelig vækst i Nildalen var hurtigt ved at forsvinde på det tidspunkt, hvor hebræernes nationale liv begyndte, og som følge af deres ophold i Egypten tog beduinerne meget af denne lære med sig og videreførte mange af Ikhnatons doktriner i deres racemæssige religion.		95:5.15 (1049.3) The glory of this great era of moral development and spiritual growth in the Nile valley was rapidly passing at about the time the national life of the Hebrews was beginning, and consequent upon their sojourn in Egypt these Bedouins carried away much of these teachings and perpetuated many of Ikhnaton’s doctrines in their racial religion.
6. Salemlæren i iran ^top		6. The Salem Doctrines in Iran ^top
95:6.1 (1049.4) Fra Palæstina rejste nogle af Melkisedek-missionærerne videre gennem Mesopotamien og til det store iranske plateau. I mere end fem hundrede år gjorde Salem-lærerne fremskridt i Iran, og hele nationen var ved at svinge over til Melkisedek-religionen, da et skift af herskere udløste en bitter forfølgelse, som praktisk talt gjorde en ende på Salem-kultens monoteistiske lære. Læren om Abrahams pagt var så godt som uddød i Persien, da Zarathustra i det store århundrede med moralsk renæssance, det sjette før Kristus, dukkede op for at genoplive Salem-evangeliets ulmende gløder.		95:6.1 (1049.4) From Palestine some of the Melchizedek missionaries passed on through Mesopotamia and to the great Iranian plateau. For more than five hundred years the Salem teachers made headway in Iran, and the whole nation was swinging to the Melchizedek religion when a change of rulers precipitated a bitter persecution which practically ended the monotheistic teachings of the Salem cult. The doctrine of the Abrahamic covenant was virtually extinct in Persia when, in that great century of moral renaissance, the sixth before Christ, Zoroaster appeared to revive the smouldering embers of the Salem gospel.
95:6.2 (1049.5) Denne grundlægger af en ny religion var en viril og eventyrlysten ung mand, som på sin første pilgrimsrejse til Ur i Mesopotamien havde hørt om traditionerne om Caligastia og Lucifers oprør—sammen med mange andre traditioner—som alle havde appelleret stærkt til hans religiøse natur. Som følge af en drøm i Ur besluttede han sig derfor for at vende tilbage til sit nordlige hjem for at omforme sit folks religion. Han havde tilegnet sig den hebraiske idé om en retfærdig Gud, det mosaiske koncept for guddommelighed. Tanken om en højeste Gud var klar i hans sind, og han afviste alle andre guder som djævle, henviste dem til rækken af dæmoner, som han havde hørt om i Mesopotamien. Han havde hørt om historien om de syv herskerånder, da traditionen levede videre i Ur, og derfor skabte han en galakse af syv øverste guder med Ahura-Mazda i spidsen. Disse underordnede guder forbandt han med idealiseringen af den rette lov, den gode tanke, den ædle regering, den hellige karakter, sundhed og udødelighed.		95:6.2 (1049.5) This founder of a new religion was a virile and adventurous youth, who, on his first pilgrimage to Ur in Mesopotamia, had learned of the traditions of the Caligastia and the Lucifer rebellion—along with many other traditions—all of which had made a strong appeal to his religious nature. Accordingly, as the result of a dream while in Ur, he settled upon a program of returning to his northern home to undertake the remodeling of the religion of his people. He had imbibed the Hebraic idea of a God of justice, the Mosaic concept of divinity. The idea of a supreme God was clear in his mind, and he set down all other gods as devils, consigned them to the ranks of the demons of which he had heard in Mesopotamia. He had learned of the story of the Seven Master Spirits as the tradition lingered in Ur, and, accordingly, he created a galaxy of seven supreme gods with Ahura-Mazda at its head. These subordinate gods he associated with the idealization of Right Law, Good Thought, Noble Government, Holy Character, Health, and Immortality.
95:6.3 (1049.6) Og denne nye religion bestod af handling—arbejde—ikke bønner og ritualer. Dens Gud var et væsen af højeste visdom og civilisationens beskytter; det var en militant religiøs filosofi, som vovede at kæmpe mod ondskab, passivitet og tilbageståenhed.		95:6.3 (1049.6) And this new religion was one of action—work—not prayers and rituals. Its God was a being of supreme wisdom and the patron of civilization; it was a militant religious philosophy which dared to battle with evil, inaction, and backwardness.
95:6.4 (1049.7) Zarathustra lærte ikke tilbedelse af ild, men forsøgte at bruge flammen som et symbol på den rene og vise ånd med universel og suveræn dominans. (Alt for sandt er det, at hans senere tilhængere både ærede og tilbad denne symbolske ild). Da en iransk prins omvendte sig, blev denne nye religion spredt med sværdet. Og Zarathustra døde heroisk i kamp for det, som han troede var “sandheden om lysets Herre.”		95:6.4 (1049.7) Zoroaster did not teach the worship of fire but sought to utilize the flame as a symbol of the pure and wise Spirit of universal and supreme dominance. (All too true, his later followers did both reverence and worship this symbolic fire.) Finally, upon the conversion of an Iranian prince, this new religion was spread by the sword. And Zoroaster heroically died in battle for that which he believed was the “truth of the Lord of light.”
95:6.5 (1050.1) Zoroastrianismen er den eneste urantianske trosbekendelse, der viderefører lærdommene fra Dalamatia og Edens have om de syv mesterånder. Selvom den ikke udviklede treenighedsbegrebet, nærmede den sig på en vis måde den syvfoldige Gud. Den oprindelige zoroastrisme var ikke en ren dualisme; selvom den tidlige lære forestillede sig ondskaben som en tidskoordinat af godheden, var den bestemt evigt nedsænket i den ultimative virkelighed af det gode. Først i senere tider vandt troen på, at det gode og det onde kæmpede på lige vilkår.		95:6.5 (1050.1) Zoroastrianism is the only Urantian creed that perpetuates the Dalamatian and Edenic teachings about the Seven Master Spirits. While failing to evolve the Trinity concept, it did in a certain way approach that of God the Sevenfold. Original Zoroastrianism was not a pure dualism; though the early teachings did picture evil as a time co-ordinate of goodness, it was definitely eternity-submerged in the ultimate reality of the good. Only in later times did the belief gain credence that good and evil contended on equal terms.
95:6.6 (1050.2) De jødiske traditioner om himmel og helvede og læren om djævle, som de er nedfældet i de hebraiske skrifter, er baseret på Lucifers og Caligastias traditioner, men stammer hovedsageligt fra zoroastrianerne fra den tid, hvor jøderne var under persernes politiske og kulturelle dominans. Zoroaster lærte, ligesom egypterne, om “dommens dag,” men han forbandt denne begivenhed med verdens ende.		95:6.6 (1050.2) The Jewish traditions of heaven and hell and the doctrine of devils as recorded in the Hebrew scriptures, while founded on the lingering traditions of Lucifer and Caligastia, were principally derived from the Zoroastrians during the times when the Jews were under the political and cultural dominance of the Persians. Zoroaster, like the Egyptians, taught the “day of judgment,” but he connected this event with the end of the world.
95:6.7 (1050.3) Selv den religion, som fulgte efter Zarathustras lære i Persien var markant påvirket af den. Da de iranske præster forsøgte at omstyrte Zarathustras lære, genoplivede de den gamle tilbedelse af Mithra. Og mithraismen spredte sig over hele Levanten og Middelhavsområdet og var i nogen tid samtidig med både jødedom og kristendom. Zarathustras lære kom dermed gradvist til at sætte sit præg på de tre store religioner: jødedom og kristendom, og via dem, muhamedanismen.		95:6.7 (1050.3) Even the religion which succeeded Zoroastrianism in Persia was markedly influenced by it. When the Iranian priests sought to overthrow the teachings of Zoroaster, they resurrected the ancient worship of Mithra. And Mithraism spread throughout the Levant and Mediterranean regions, being for some time a contemporary of both Judaism and Christianity. The teachings of Zoroaster thus came successively to impress three great religions: Judaism and Christianity and, through them, Mohammedanism.
95:6.8 (1050.4) Men der er langt fra Zarathustras ophøjede lære og ædle salmer til parsernes moderne fordrejninger af hans evangelium med deres store frygt for de døde, kombineret med underholdningen af troen på spidsfindigheder, som Zarathustra aldrig nedlod sig til at tolerere.		95:6.8 (1050.4) But it is a far cry from the exalted teachings and noble psalms of Zoroaster to the modern perversions of his gospel by the Parsees with their great fear of the dead, coupled with the entertainment of beliefs in sophistries which Zoroaster never stooped to countenance.
95:6.9 (1050.5) Denne store mand tilhørte en af den unikke gruppe, der fremtrådte i det sjette århundrede før Kristus for at forhindre Salems lys i at blive helt og endeligt slukket, da det så svagt brændte for at vise mennesket i dets mørklagte verden lysets vej, der fører til evigt liv.		95:6.9 (1050.5) This great man was one of that unique group that sprang up in the sixth century before Christ to keep the light of Salem from being fully and finally extinguished as it so dimly burned to show man in his darkened world the path of light leading to everlasting life.
7. Salemlæren i arabien ^top		7. The Salem Teachings in Arabia ^top
95:7.1 (1050.6) Melkisedek-læren om den ene Gud blev etableret i den arabiske ørken på et forholdsvis nyt tidspunkt. Som i Grækenland fejlede Salem-missionærerne også i Arabien på grund af deres misforståelse af Makiventas instruktioner om overorganisering. Men de blev ikke hindret af deres fortolkning af hans formaning mod alle forsøg på at udbrede evangeliet gennem militær magt eller civil tvang.		95:7.1 (1050.6) The Melchizedek teachings of the one God became established in the Arabian Desert at a comparatively recent date. As in Greece, so in Arabia the Salem missionaries failed because of their misunderstanding of Machiventa’s instructions regarding overorganization. But they were not thus hindered by their interpretation of his admonition against all efforts to extend the gospel through military force or civil compulsion.
95:7.2 (1050.7) Ikke engang i Kina eller Rom mislykkes Melkisedeks lære mere fuldstændigt med at få fodfæste end i denne ørken region så nær på selve Salem. Længe efter, at de fleste folk i Østen og Vesten var blevet henholdsvis buddhistiske og kristne, fortsatte livet i den Arabien ørken, som det havde gjort i tusinder af år. Hver stamme tilbad sin gamle fetich, og mange individuelle familier havde deres egne husguder. Længe fortsatte kampen mellem den babyloniske Ishtar, den hebraiske Jahve, den iranske Ahura og den kristne Jesus Kristus’ Fader. Aldrig var et koncept i stand til helt at fortrænge de andre.		95:7.2 (1050.7) Not even in China or Rome did the Melchizedek teachings fail more completely than in this desert region so very near Salem itself. Long after the majority of the peoples of the Orient and Occident had become respectively Buddhist and Christian, the desert of Arabia continued as it had for thousands of years. Each tribe worshiped its olden fetish, and many individual families had their own household gods. Long the struggle continued between Babylonian Ishtar, Hebrew Yahweh, Iranian Ahura, and Christian Father of the Lord Jesus Christ. Never was one concept able fully to displace the others.
95:7.3 (1051.1) Her og der i Arabien var der familier og klaner, som holdt fast i den tågede idé om den ene Gud. Sådanne grupper værdsatte traditionerne fra Melkisedek, Abraham, Moses og Zarathustra. Der var mange centre, som kunne have reageret på Jesu evangelium, men de kristne missionærer i ørkenområderne var en streng og ubøjelig gruppe i modsætning til de kompromissøgende og nyskabende missionærer i Middelhavslandene. Hvis Jesu tilhængere havde taget hans påbud om at “gå ud i alverden og forkynde evangeliet” mere alvorligt, og hvis de havde været mere nådige i deres forkyndelse og mindre strikse i deres egne sociale krav, så ville mange lande med glæde have modtaget det enkle evangelium fra tømrersønnen, heriblandt Arabien.		95:7.3 (1051.1) Here and there throughout Arabia were families and clans that held on to the hazy idea of the one God. Such groups treasured the traditions of Melchizedek, Abraham, Moses, and Zoroaster. There were numerous centers that might have responded to the Jesusonian gospel, but the Christian missionaries of the desert lands were an austere and unyielding group in contrast with the compromisers and innovators who functioned as missionaries in the Mediterranean countries. Had the followers of Jesus taken more seriously his injunction to “go into all the world and preach the gospel,” and had they been more gracious in that preaching, less stringent in collateral social requirements of their own devising, then many lands would gladly have received the simple gospel of the carpenter’s son, Arabia among them.
95:7.4 (1051.2) På trods af de store monoteistiske religioner i Levanten undlod at slå rod i Arabien, formåede dette ørkenland at producere en tro, som, selvom den var mindre krævende i sine sociale krav, var den ikke desto mindre monoteistisk.		95:7.4 (1051.2) Despite the fact that the great Levantine monotheisms failed to take root in Arabia, this desert land was capable of producing a faith which, though less demanding in its social requirements, was nonetheless monotheistic.
95:7.5 (1051.3) Der var kun én faktor af betydning for hele stammen, folket eller nationen i forbindelse med de primitive og uorganiserede overbevisninger i ørkenen, nemlig den ejendommelige og generelle respekt, som næsten alle arabiske stammer var villige til at vise til en bestemt sort stenfetich i et bestemt tempel i Mekka. Dette punkt af fælles kontakt og ærbødighed førte senere til etableringen af den islamiske religion. Hvad Yahweh, vulkanånden, var for de jødiske semitter, blev Kaaba-stenen for deres arabiske fætre.		95:7.5 (1051.3) There was only one factor of a tribal, racial, or national nature about the primitive and unorganized beliefs of the desert, and that was the peculiar and general respect which almost all Arabian tribes were willing to pay to a certain black stone fetish in a certain temple at Mecca. This point of common contact and reverence subsequently led to the establishment of the Islamic religion. What Yahweh, the volcano spirit, was to the Jewish Semites, the Kaaba stone became to their Arabic cousins.
95:7.6 (1051.4) Islams styrke har været dens klare og veldefinerede præsentation af Allah som den eneste Guddom; dens svaghed har været, at den har forbundet militær magt med dens udbredelse, sammen med dens nedværdigelse af kvinden. Men den har urokkeligt holdt fast i sin præsentation af den ene universelle guddom for alle, “som kender det usynlige og det synlige. Han er den barmhjertige og den medfølende.” “Sandelig, Gud er rig på godhed mod alle mennesker.” “Og når jeg er syg, er det ham, der helbreder mig.” “For hver gang tre taler sammen, er Gud til stede som den fjerde,” for er han ikke “den første og den sidste, også det synlige og det skjulte”?		95:7.6 (1051.4) The strength of Islam has been its clear-cut and well-defined presentation of Allah as the one and only Deity; its weakness, the association of military force with its promulgation, together with its degradation of woman. But it has steadfastly held to its presentation of the One Universal Deity of all, “who knows the invisible and the visible. He is the merciful and the compassionate.” “Truly God is plenteous in goodness to all men.” “And when I am sick, it is he who heals me.” “For whenever as many as three speak together, God is present as a fourth,” for is he not “the first and the last, also the seen and the hidden”?
95:7.7 (1051.5) [Præsenteret af en Melkisedek fra Nebadon.]		95:7.7 (1051.5) [Presented by a Melchizedek of Nebadon.]