Kapitel 69 |
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Paper 69 |
Primitive Menneskelige Institutioner |
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Primitive Human Institutions |
69:0.1 (772.1) FØLELSESMÆSSIGT, transcenderer mennesket sine dyre forfædre i dets evne til at sætte pris på humor, kunst og religion. Socialt, udviser mennesket sin overlegenhed i at det fabrikerer redskaber, dedikeret til at kommunikere og opbygge institutioner. |
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69:0.1 (772.1) EMOTIONALLY, man transcends his animal ancestors in his ability to appreciate humor, art, and religion. Socially, man exhibits his superiority in that he is a toolmaker, a communicator, and an institution builder. |
69:0.2 (772.2) Når mennesker samles i sociale grupper, resulterer disse sammenslutninger altid i skabelsen af visse aktivitets retninger, der kulminerer i institutionalisering. De fleste af menneskets institutioner har vist sig at være arbejdsbesparende, samtidig som de i en vis grad er med til at styrke gruppens sikkerhed. |
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69:0.2 (772.2) When human beings long maintain social groups, such aggregations always result in the creation of certain activity trends which culminate in institutionalization. Most of man’s institutions have proved to be laborsaving while at the same time contributing something to the enhancement of group security. |
69:0.3 (772.3) Det civiliserede menneske sætter en stor ære i karakter, stabilitet og kontinuitet i deres etablerede institutioner, men alle menneskelige institutioner er blot de akkumulerede skikke fra fortiden, som er blevet bevaret af tabuer og beskyttet med værdighed af religionen. En sådan arv bliver traditioner, og traditioner forvandles i sidste ende til konventioner. |
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69:0.3 (772.3) Civilized man takes great pride in the character, stability, and continuity of his established institutions, but all human institutions are merely the accumulated mores of the past as they have been conserved by taboos and dignified by religion. Such legacies become traditions, and traditions ultimately metamorphose into conventions. |
1. Menneskets grundlæggende institutioner ^top |
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1. Basic Human Institutions ^top |
69:1.1 (772.4) Alle menneskelige institutioner tjener nogle sociale behov, tidligere eller nuværende, selv om en overudvikling af dem uundgåeligt forringer individets værdi idet personligheden overskygges og initiativkraften formindskes. Mennesket bør kontrollere sine institutioner i stedet for at tillade sig selv at være domineret af disse kreationer af fremrykkende civilisation. |
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69:1.1 (772.4) All human institutions minister to some social need, past or present, notwithstanding that their overdevelopment unfailingly detracts from the worth-whileness of the individual in that personality is overshadowed and initiative is diminished. Man should control his institutions rather than permit himself to be dominated by these creations of advancing civilization. |
69:1.2 (772.5) Menneskelige institutioner hører til en af tre generelle klasser: |
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69:1.2 (772.5) Human institutions are of three general classes: |
69:1.3 (772.6) 1. Institutionerne for selvopretholdelse. Disse institutioner omfatter de aktiviteter der udspringer fra sult efter mad og de tilknyttede instinkter af selvopholdelsesdrift. Disse institutioner omfatter industri, ejendom, erobringskrige og alle samfundets reguleringsmekanismer. Før eller senere fremmer den instinktive frygt oprettelsen af disse institutioner for at overleve ved hjælp af tabuer, konventioner, og religiøse sanktioner. Frygt, uvidenhed og overtro har spillet en fremtrædende rolle i den tidlige oprindelse og efterfølgende udvikling af alle menneskelige institutioner. |
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69:1.3 (772.6) 1. The institutions of self-maintenance. These institutions embrace those practices growing out of food hunger and its associated instincts of self-preservation. They include industry, property, war for gain, and all the regulative machinery of society. Sooner or later the fear instinct fosters the establishment of these institutions of survival by means of taboo, convention, and religious sanction. But fear, ignorance, and superstition have played a prominent part in the early origin and subsequent development of all human institutions. |
69:1.4 (772.7) 2. Institutionerne for forplantningen. Disse er de sociale institutioner, der vokser frem af sult efter sex, moderinstinktet, og de højere bløde følelser hos de menneskelige familier. De omfatter social tryghed for hjem, skole, familieliv, uddannelse, etik og religion. De inkluderer ægteskabsskikke, forsvarskrige og opførelse af hus og hjem. |
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69:1.4 (772.7) 2. The institutions of self-perpetuation. These are the establishments of society growing out of sex hunger, maternal instinct, and the higher tender emotions of the races. They embrace the social safeguards of the home and the school, of family life, education, ethics, and religion. They include marriage customs, war for defense, and home building. |
69:1.5 (772.8) 3. Institutionerne af glæde og velvære. Det er de skikke og praksis, som vokser frem af tilbøjeligheder til forfængelighed og følelser af stolthed. De omfatter skikke, som gælder klædedragter og personlig udsmykning, sociale kutymer, krig for ærens skyld, dans, underholdning, konkurrencer og andre faser af sensuel tilfredsstillelse. Men civilisationen har aldrig udviklet klart definerede institutioner udelukkende til nydelse og velvære. |
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69:1.5 (772.8) 3. The institutions of self-gratification. These are the practices growing out of vanity proclivities and pride emotions; and they embrace customs in dress and personal adornment, social usages, war for glory, dancing, amusement, games, and other phases of sensual gratification. But civilization has never evolved distinctive institutions of self-gratification. |
69:1.6 (773.1) Disse tre grupper af sæder og skikke i samfundet er intimt sammenflettede og minutiøst indbyrdes afhængige af hinanden. På Urantia danner de en kompleks organisation, der fungerer som en enkelt mekanisme i samfundet. |
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69:1.6 (773.1) These three groups of social practices are intimately interrelated and minutely interdependent the one upon the other. On Urantia they represent a complex organization which functions as a single social mechanism. |
2. Industriens begyndelse ^top |
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2. The Dawn of Industry ^top |
69:2.1 (773.2) En primitiv produktionsøkonomi voksede langsomt op som en forsikring mod hungersnødens rædsler. Tidligt i sin eksistens begyndte mennesket at tage ved lære af visse dyr, der, i tider med rigelig forsyninger, lagrede mad op til hårdere tider. |
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69:2.1 (773.2) Primitive industry slowly grew up as an insurance against the terrors of famine. Early in his existence man began to draw lessons from some of the animals that, during a harvest of plenty, store up food against the days of scarcity. |
69:2.2 (773.3) Inden den tidlige sparsommelighed og den primitive produktionsindustri fik sin start var armod og reel lidelse den gennemsnitlige stammes lod. Urmenneskerne var tvunget til at konkurrere med hele dyreverdenen for sin føde. Konkurrenceeffekten trækker altid mennesket ned mod vilddyrets niveau; fattigdom er dets naturlige og tyranniserende tilstand. Rigdom er ikke en naturlig gave; den er resultatet af arbejdskraft, viden og organisation. |
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69:2.2 (773.3) Before the dawn of early frugality and primitive industry the lot of the average tribe was one of destitution and real suffering. Early man had to compete with the whole animal world for his food. Competition-gravity ever pulls man down toward the beast level; poverty is his natural and tyrannical estate. Wealth is not a natural gift; it results from labor, knowledge, and organization. |
69:2.3 (773.4) Det primitive menneske indså hurtigt de fordelene ved at slutte sig sammen. Sammenslutning førte til organisation, og det første resultat af organisationen var arbejdsdeling, med dens umiddelbare besparelse af tid og materialer. Disse specialiseringer af arbejdskraften opstod ved tvangsmæssig tilpasning - man stræbte mod mindste modstand. De primitive vilde gjorde aldrig noget reelt arbejde muntert eller frivilligt. De samtykkede kun fordi de var tvunget af nødvendighed. |
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69:2.3 (773.4) Primitive man was not slow to recognize the advantages of association. Association led to organization, and the first result of organization was division of labor, with its immediate saving of time and materials. These specializations of labor arose by adaptation to pressure—pursuing the paths of lessened resistance. Primitive savages never did any real work cheerfully or willingly. With them conformity was due to the coercion of necessity. |
69:2.4 (773.5) Det primitive menneske kunne ikke lide hårdt arbejde, og det ville ikke skynde sig med mindre det var konfronteret med alvorlig fare. Tids elementet i arbejdet, tanken om at gøre en given opgave inden for en bestemt frist, er udelukkende en moderne begreb. De fortidige mennesker havde aldrig travlt. Det var de dobbelte krav fra intense kampe for tilværelsen og den stadigt stigende levestandard, der drev de naturligt inaktive racer ind på produktionsvirksomhedens vej. |
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69:2.4 (773.5) Primitive man disliked hard work, and he would not hurry unless confronted by grave danger. The time element in labor, the idea of doing a given task within a certain time limit, is entirely a modern notion. The ancients were never rushed. It was the double demands of the intense struggle for existence and of the ever-advancing standards of living that drove the naturally inactive races of early man into avenues of industry. |
69:2.5 (773.6) Arbejdet, planlagte opgaver, adskiller mennesket fra dyr, hvis anstrengelser stort set er instinktive. Nødvendigheden af at arbejde er menneskets allerstørste velsignelse. Medlemmerne af Prinsens personale arbejdede alle; de gjorde meget for at højne værdien af fysisk arbejde på Urantia. Adam var en gartner; Hebræernes Gud arbejdede - han var alle tings skaber og opretholder. Hebræerne var den første stamme til at sætte en høj værdisats på arbejdsflid; de var de første mennesker til at forkynde, at »den, der ikke arbejder, må ikke spise.” Men mange af verdens religioner vendte tilbage til den tidligere ideale lediggang. Jupiter var en grovæder, og Buddha blev en reflekterende tilhænger af inaktivitet. |
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69:2.5 (773.6) Labor, the efforts of design, distinguishes man from the beast, whose exertions are largely instinctive. The necessity for labor is man’s paramount blessing. The Prince’s staff all worked; they did much to ennoble physical labor on Urantia. Adam was a gardener; the God of the Hebrews labored—he was the creator and upholder of all things. The Hebrews were the first tribe to put a supreme premium on industry; they were the first people to decree that “he who does not work shall not eat.” But many of the religions of the world reverted to the early ideal of idleness. Jupiter was a reveler, and Buddha became a reflective devotee of leisure. |
69:2.6 (773.7) Sangikstammerne var ganske flittige når de ikke boede i troperne. Men der var en lang, lang kamp mellem de dovne tilhængere af magi og arbejdets apostle - dem, der udøvede fremsyn. |
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69:2.6 (773.7) The Sangik tribes were fairly industrious when residing away from the tropics. But there was a long, long struggle between the lazy devotees of magic and the apostles of work—those who exercised foresight. |
69:2.7 (773.8) Menneskets første fremsyn var rettet mod bevarelse af ild, vand og føden. Det primitive menneske var en naturlig født spiller; der altid ønskede at få noget for ingenting, og alt for ofte i disse tidlige tider blev det betragtet som en succes, at det som kom fra tålmodigt arbejde var resultat af magisk handling. Magi var langsom til at give efter for forudseenhed, selvfornægtelse og flid. |
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69:2.7 (773.8) The first human foresight was directed toward the preservation of fire, water, and food. But primitive man was a natural-born gambler; he always wanted to get something for nothing, and all too often during these early times the success which accrued from patient practice was attributed to charms. Magic was slow to give way before foresight, self-denial, and industry. |
3. Arbejdskraftens specialisering ^top |
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3. The Specialization of Labor ^top |
69:3.1 (773.9) Arbejdsfordelingen i de primitive samfund blev først bestemt ved naturlige, og derefter af de sociale, omstændigheder. Den tidlige rækkefølge af arbejdskraftens specialisering var: |
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69:3.1 (773.9) The divisions of labor in primitive society were determined first by natural, and then by social, circumstances. The early order of specialization in labor was: |
69:3.2 (774.1) 1. Specialisering på grundlag af køn. Kvindens arbejde stammer fra valget om tilstedeværelse af barnet; af naturen elsker kvinder spædbørn mere end mænd gør. På den måde blev kvinden rutinearbejder, mens manden blev jæger og kriger, der havde forskellige perioder med arbejde og hvile. |
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69:3.2 (774.1) 1. Specialization based on sex. Woman’s work was derived from the selective presence of the child; women naturally love babies more than men do. Thus woman became the routine worker, while man became the hunter and fighter, engaging in accentuated periods of work and rest. |
69:3.3 (774.2) På alle tider har der været tabuer, der har holdt kvinden tæt bundet til sit eget område. Manden har mest selvisk valgt det mere behagelige arbejde, og overladt det møjsommelige rutinearbejde til kvinden. Manden har altid været flov over at gøre kvindens arbejde, men kvinden har aldrig vist nogen modvilje mod at gøre mandens arbejde. Det er dog mærkeligt at notere, at både mænd og kvinder altid har arbejdet sammen med at bygge og indrette deres hjem. |
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69:3.3 (774.2) All down through the ages the taboos have operated to keep woman strictly in her own field. Man has most selfishly chosen the more agreeable work, leaving the routine drudgery to woman. Man has always been ashamed to do woman’s work, but woman has never shown any reluctance to doing man’s work. But strange to record, both men and women have always worked together in building and furnishing the home. |
69:3.4 (774.3) 2. Ændring som følge af alder og sygdom. Disse forskelle bestemte den næste arbejdsdeling. De gamle mænd og krøblinger blev tidligt sat i gang med at fremstille redskaber og våben. Senere blev de anvendt til at bygge vandingsanlæg. |
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69:3.4 (774.3) 2. Modification consequent upon age and disease. These differences determined the next division of labor. The old men and cripples were early set to work making tools and weapons. They were later assigned to building irrigation works. |
69:3.5 (774.4) 3. Differentiering baseret på religion. Medicinmænd var de første mennesker som blev fritaget for fysisk slid; de var pioner for den frie selvstændige klasse. Smedene var en lille gruppe, der konkurrerede med medicinmændene som tryllekunstnere. Deres dygtighed til at arbejde med metaller gjorde folk bange for dem. De ”hvide smede” og ”sorte smede” gav oprindelse til de tidlige trosretninger i hvid og sort magi. Denne tro blev senere blandet med overtroen om de gode og de dårlige spøgelser, gode og onde ånder. |
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69:3.5 (774.4) 3. Differentiation based on religion. The medicine men were the first human beings to be exempted from physical toil; they were the pioneer professional class. The smiths were a small group who competed with the medicine men as magicians. Their skill in working with metals made the people afraid of them. The “white smiths” and the “black smiths” gave origin to the early beliefs in white and black magic. And this belief later became involved in the superstition of good and bad ghosts, good and bad spirits. |
69:3.6 (774.5) Smedene var den første ikke-religiøse gruppe til at nyde særlige privilegier. De blev betragtet som neutrale under krigen, og denne ekstra fritid førte til, at de som en klasse blev det primitive samfunds politikerne. Som følge af groft misbrug af disse privilegier blev smedene udbredt forhadte, og medicinmændene var ikke sene til at fremme hadet til deres konkurrenter. I denne første konkurrence mellem videnskab og religion, vandt religion (overtroen). Efter at være blevet drevet ud af landsbyerne, oprettede smedene de første kroer, offentlige overnatningssteder, i udkanten af bosættelserne. |
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69:3.6 (774.5) Smiths were the first nonreligious group to enjoy special privileges. They were regarded as neutrals during war, and this extra leisure led to their becoming, as a class, the politicians of primitive society. But through gross abuse of these privileges the smiths became universally hated, and the medicine men lost no time in fostering hatred for their competitors. In this first contest between science and religion, religion (superstition) won. After being driven out of the villages, the smiths maintained the first inns, public lodginghouses, on the outskirts of the settlements. |
69:3.7 (774.6) 4. Herre og slave. Den næste differentiering af arbejdskraften voksede ud af den indbyrdes relation mellem sejrherren til de besejrede, og det markerede begyndelsen på menneskets slaveri. |
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69:3.7 (774.6) 4. Master and slave. The next differentiation of labor grew out of the relations of the conqueror to the conquered, and that meant the beginning of human slavery. |
69:3.8 (774.7) 5. Differentiering baseret på forskellige fysiske og mentale evner. Yderligere arbejdsdeling blev begunstiget af de iboende forskelle mellem mennesker; alle mennesker er ikke født lige. |
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69:3.8 (774.7) 5. Differentiation based on diverse physical and mental endowments. Further divisions of labor were favored by the inherent differences in men; all human beings are not born equal. |
69:3.9 (774.8) De tidlige specialister i industrien var flinteflækkerne og stenhuggere; så kom smedene. Efterfølgende udvikledes specialisering af grupper; hele familier og klaner helliget sig til visse former for arbejdskraft. Oprindelsen af en af de tidligste præstekaster, bortset fra stammens medicinmænd, skyldtes den overtroiske ophøjelse af en familie af særligt dygtige sværd fabrikanter. |
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69:3.9 (774.8) The early specialists in industry were the flint flakers and stone masons; next came the smiths. Subsequently group specialization developed; whole families and clans dedicated themselves to certain sorts of labor. The origin of one of the earliest castes of priests, apart from the tribal medicine men, was due to the superstitious exaltation of a family of expert swordmakers. |
69:3.10 (774.9) De første gruppespecialister i industrien var stensalt eksportører og keramikere. Kvinder fremstillede det usmykkede keramik og mændene dekorerede krukkerne. Blandt nogle stammer var det kvinderne der syede og vævede, i andre var det mændene. |
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69:3.10 (774.9) The first group specialists in industry were rock salt exporters and potters. Women made the plain pottery and men the fancy. Among some tribes sewing and weaving were done by women, in others by the men. |
69:3.11 (774.10) De første handlende var kvinder; de var ansat som spioner, der drev handelen som en bibeskæftigelse. Snart udvidede byttehandelen sig, kvinderne fungerede som mæglere - mellemhandlere. Siden kom købmandens klasse som opkrævede en kommission, profit, for deres ydelser. Væksten i vareudbytte udviklede sig til egentlig handel; og efter udvekslingen af varer kom udvekslingen af kvalificeret arbejdskraft. |
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69:3.11 (774.10) The early traders were women; they were employed as spies, carrying on commerce as a side line. Presently trade expanded, the women acting as intermediaries—jobbers. Then came the merchant class, charging a commission, profit, for their services. Growth of group barter developed into commerce; and following the exchange of commodities came the exchange of skilled labor. |
4. Begyndelse af handels udveksling ^top |
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4. The Beginnings of Trade ^top |
69:4.1 (775.1) Ligesom ægteskab efter aftale fulgte ægteskab ved tilfangetagelse, så blev byttehandel efterfulgt af beslaglæggelse af razziaer. Der var en lang periode med piratkopiering mellem de tidlige skikke med en tavs byttehandel og senere handel med dens moderne udvekslings metoder. |
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69:4.1 (775.1) Just as marriage by contract followed marriage by capture, so trade by barter followed seizure by raids. But a long period of piracy intervened between the early practices of silent barter and the later trade by modern exchange methods. |
69:4.2 (775.2) Den første byttehandel blev udført af bevæbnede handlende, der ville efterlade deres varer på et neutralt sted. Kvinder holdt de første markeder; de var de tidligste forhandlere, og det var, fordi de bar byrderne; mændene var krigere. Meget tidligt udvikledes en handelsdisk, en adskillelsesmur bred nok til at forhindre de handlende i at nå hinanden med våben. |
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69:4.2 (775.2) The first barter was conducted by armed traders who would leave their goods on a neutral spot. Women held the first markets; they were the earliest traders, and this was because they were the burden bearers; the men were warriors. Very early the trading counter was developed, a wall wide enough to prevent the traders reaching each other with weapons. |
69:4.3 (775.3) En fetich blev brugt til at holde øje med varerne som var blevet leveret til lydløs byttehandel. Sådanne markedspladser var sikret mod tyveri; intet vil blive fjernet undtagen ved byttehandel eller køb; med en fetich på vagt var varerne altid sikret. De tidlige handlende var strengt ærlige indenfor deres egne stammer, men anså det for helt i orden at snyde fjerne fremmede. Selv de tidlige hebræere anerkendte et særskilt etisk kodeks i deres kontakt med andre end jøder. |
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69:4.3 (775.3) A fetish was used to stand guard over the deposits of goods for silent barter. Such market places were secure against theft; nothing would be removed except by barter or purchase; with a fetish on guard the goods were always safe. The early traders were scrupulously honest within their own tribes but regarded it as all right to cheat distant strangers. Even the early Hebrews recognized a separate code of ethics in their dealings with the gentiles. |
69:4.4 (775.4) Gennem mange tidsaldre fortsatte den tavse byttehandel før folk ville mødes, ubevæbnet, på det hellige marked. Disse samme markedspladser blev de første asylsteder og de blev i nogle lande senere kendt som ”tilflugtsbyer.” Enhver flygtning som nåede markedet var sikker og beskyttet mod angreb. |
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69:4.4 (775.4) For ages silent barter continued before men would meet, unarmed, on the sacred market place. These same market squares became the first places of sanctuary and in some countries were later known as “cities of refuge.” Any fugitive reaching the market place was safe and secure against attack. |
69:4.5 (775.5) De første vægte var kerner af hvede og andre kornarter. Det første betalingsmiddel var en fisk eller en ged. Senere blev koen en bytteenhed. |
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69:4.5 (775.5) The first weights were grains of wheat and other cereals. The first medium of exchange was a fish or a goat. Later the cow became a unit of barter. |
69:4.6 (775.6) Den moderne skrift fik sin begyndelse i de tidlige handelsoptegnelser; menneskets første litterære værk var en handel forfremmelses dokument, et salt reklame. Mange af de tidligere krige blev udkæmpet over naturrigdomme såsom flint, salt og metaller. Den første formelle aftale mellem forskellige stammer gjaldt en saltforekomst som blev tilgængelig for flere stammer. Disse aftaleområder gav mulighed for venskabelig og fredelig udveksling af ideer og sammenblandingen af forskellige stammer. |
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69:4.6 (775.6) Modern writing originated in the early trade records; the first literature of man was a trade-promotion document, a salt advertisement. Many of the earlier wars were fought over natural deposits, such as flint, salt, and metals. The first formal tribal treaty concerned the intertribalizing of a salt deposit. These treaty spots afforded opportunity for friendly and peaceful interchange of ideas and the intermingling of various tribes. |
69:4.7 (775.7) Skriften udvikledes gennem stadier af ”budbringer staven”, reb med knuder, billedskrift, hieroglyffer og wampum bælter, til de tidlige symbolske alfabeter. Overførslen af meddelelser udviklede sig fra det primitive røgsignal videre gennem løbere, ryttere, jernbaner og fly, samt telegraf, telefon og trådløs kommunikation. |
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69:4.7 (775.7) Writing progressed up through the stages of the “message stick,” knotted cords, picture writing, hieroglyphics, and wampum belts, to the early symbolic alphabets. Message sending evolved from the primitive smoke signal up through runners, animal riders, railroads, and airplanes, as well as telegraph, telephone, and wireless communication. |
69:4.8 (775.8) Nye ideer og bedre metoder blev videregivet i hele den beboede verden af fortidens handelsfolk. Handel, i forbindelse med eventyr, førte til udforskning og opdagelse. Alle dette gav anledning til transport virksomhed. Handel har været den store civilisere ved at fremme gensidigt samvær mellem kulturen. |
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69:4.8 (775.8) New ideas and better methods were carried around the inhabited world by the ancient traders. Commerce, linked with adventure, led to exploration and discovery. And all of these gave birth to transportation. Commerce has been the great civilizer through promoting the cross-fertilization of culture. |
5. Begyndelsen af kapital ^top |
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5. The Beginnings of Capital ^top |
69:5.1 (775.9) Kapital er arbejdskraft anvendt som et afkald på den nuværende til fordel for fremtiden. Besparelser udgør en form for vedligeholdelse og overlevelses forsikring. Mad hamstring udviklede selvkontrol og skabte de første problemer med kapital og arbejdskraft. Hvis det menneske, der havde mad, kunne beskytte den mod røvere, havde han en klar fordel i forhold til det menneske, der ikke havde mad. |
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69:5.1 (775.9) Capital is labor applied as a renunciation of the present in favor of the future. Savings represent a form of maintenance and survival insurance. Food hoarding developed self-control and created the first problems of capital and labor. The man who had food, provided he could protect it from robbers, had a distinct advantage over the man who had no food. |
69:5.2 (775.10) Den tidlige bankmand var den tapre mand af stammen. Han holdt gruppens skatter deponeret hos sig, og hele klanen ville forsvare hans hytte i tilfælde af angreb. Således førte ophobninger af den enkelte ejede kapital og gruppe aktiver, straks til en militær organisation. Til en begyndelse var sådanne sikkerhedsforanstaltninger designet til at forsvare ejendom mod indtrængende udefra, men senere blev det skik at vedligeholde den militære organisation ved at gennemføre razziaer mod omkringliggende stammers ejendom og rigdom. |
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69:5.2 (775.10) The early banker was the valorous man of the tribe. He held the group treasures on deposit, while the entire clan would defend his hut in event of attack. Thus the accumulation of individual capital and group wealth immediately led to military organization. At first such precautions were designed to defend property against foreign raiders, but later on it became the custom to keep the military organization in practice by inaugurating raids on the property and wealth of neighboring tribes. |
69:5.3 (776.1) De grundlæggende behov, som førte til akkumulering af kapital var: |
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69:5.3 (776.1) The basic urges which led to the accumulation of capital were: |
69:5.4 (776.2) 1. Sult - forbundet med fremsynethed. Mad besparelse og konservering betød magt og komfort for dem, der besad tilstrækkelig forudseenhed til på denne måde at sikre fremtidige behov. Et lager af fødevarer var god forsikring mod sult og katastrofer. Alle de primitive skikke var i selve virkeligheden beregnet til at hjælpe mennesket til at underordne det nuværende til gavn for fremtiden. |
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69:5.4 (776.2) 1. Hunger—associated with foresight. Food saving and preservation meant power and comfort for those who possessed sufficient foresight thus to provide for future needs. Food storage was adequate insurance against famine and disaster. And the entire body of primitive mores was really designed to help man subordinate the present to the future. |
69:5.5 (776.3) 2. Kærlighed til familien - lysten til at sikre deres behov. Kapital repræsenterer en besparelse på ejendom på trods af pres fra nutidens behov for at sikre sig mod de krav, som fremtiden stiller. En del af disse fremtidige behov kan have med ens efterkommere at gøre. |
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69:5.5 (776.3) 2. Love of family—desire to provide for their wants. Capital represents the saving of property in spite of the pressure of the wants of today in order to insure against the demands of the future. A part of this future need may have to do with one’s posterity. |
69:5.6 (776.4) 3. Forfængelighed - længslen efter at fremvise sine indsamlede værdier. Ekstraordinær beklædning var et af de første kendetegn på forskel. Samlerforfængelighed appellerede tidligt til menneskets stolthed. |
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69:5.6 (776.4) 3. Vanity—longing to display one’s property accumulations. Extra clothing was one of the first badges of distinction. Collection vanity early appealed to the pride of man. |
69:5.7 (776.5) 4. Position - iver efter at købe sociale og politiske prestige. Der opstod tidligt en kommercialiseret overklasse, hvortil adgang afhang af udførelsen af nogle særlige tjenester for de kongelige eller åbent adgang mod kontant betaling. |
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69:5.7 (776.5) 4. Position—eagerness to buy social and political prestige. There early sprang up a commercialized nobility, admission to which depended on the performance of some special service to royalty or was granted frankly for the payment of money. |
69:5.8 (776.6) 5. Magt - trangen til at være herre over andre. At udlåne formuer blev videreført som et middel til slaveri, så udlånsrenten var et hundrede procent om året i disse gamle tider. Pengeudlånerne gjorde sig til konger ved at oprette en stående hær af debitorer. Gældsslaver tilhørte den tidligste form for ejendom, der blev indsamlet, og i gamle dage strakte gældsslaveriet endda til bestemmelse over kroppen efter døden. |
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69:5.8 (776.6) 5. Power—the craving to be master. Treasure lending was carried on as a means of enslavement, one hundred per cent a year being the loan rate of these ancient times. The moneylenders made themselves kings by creating a standing army of debtors. Bond servants were among the earliest form of property to be accumulated, and in olden days debt slavery extended even to the control of the body after death. |
69:5.9 (776.7) 6. Frygten for de dødes ånder —beskyttelseshonorar til præsterne. Folk begyndte tidligt at give dødsgaver til præsterne med henblik på at deres ejendom skulle anvendes til at lette deres fremskridt gennem det næste liv. Præsteskabet blev dermed meget rigt; de var finanskonger blandt fortidens kapitalister. |
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69:5.9 (776.7) 6. Fear of the ghosts of the dead—priest fees for protection. Men early began to give death presents to the priests with a view to having their property used to facilitate their progress through the next life. The priesthoods thus became very rich; they were chief among ancient capitalists. |
69:5.10 (776.8) 7. Sexualdriften - ønsket om at købe en eller flere koner. Menneskets første form for byttehandel var kvinder; det fandtes længe før hestehandel. Aldrig har byttehandel med sexslaver bragt samfundet fremad; en sådan trafik var og er en race skændsel, for på en og samme tid, som både forhindrede udviklingen af familielivet og forurenede den biologiske konstitution hos højerestående folk. |
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69:5.10 (776.8) 7. Sex urge—the desire to buy one or more wives. Man’s first form of trading was woman exchange; it long preceded horse trading. But never did the barter in sex slaves advance society; such traffic was and is a racial disgrace, for at one and the same time it hindered the development of family life and polluted the biologic fitness of superior peoples. |
69:5.11 (776.9) 8. Talrige former for selvtilfredsstillelse. Nogle søgte rigdom, fordi den gav magt; andre sled for at samle ejendom, fordi det bragte bekvemmelighed. De første tiders mennesker (og en del senere tiders) havde tendens til at formøble deres ressourcer på luksus. Rusmidler og narkotika fascinerede de primitive racer. |
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69:5.11 (776.9) 8. Numerous forms of self-gratification. Some sought wealth because it conferred power; others toiled for property because it meant ease. Early man (and some later-day ones) tended to squander his resources on luxury. Intoxicants and drugs intrigued the primitive races. |
69:5.12 (776.10) Som civilisationen udvikledes fik menneskerne nye incitamenter til at spare; i hurtigt takt blev nye krav tilføjet til den oprindelige sult efter mad. Fattigdommen blev så afskyede at kun de rige blev anset egnet til at gå direkte til himlen, når de døde. Ejendom blev værdsat så højt, at et prætentiøst festmåltid kunne løse ens navn fra en besudlende skændsel. |
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69:5.12 (776.10) As civilization developed, men acquired new incentives for saving; new wants were rapidly added to the original food hunger. Poverty became so abhorred that only the rich were supposed to go direct to heaven when they died. Property became so highly valued that to give a pretentious feast would wipe a dishonor from one’s name. |
69:5.13 (777.1) Ophobninger af rigdom blev tidligt et tegn på en værdsat position i samfundet. I visse stammer brugte individer indsamling af ejendom i årevis bare for at gøre indtryk ved at brænde det op på nogle helligdage eller ved frit at distribuere det til deres stammefolk. Dette gjorde dem til store mænd. Selv nutidens folk svælger i den overdådige distribution af julegaver, mens rige mennesker donerer til store institutioner for filantropi og læring. Menneskets teknik varierer, men hans disposition forbliver temmelig uændret. |
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69:5.13 (777.1) Accumulations of wealth early became the badge of social distinction. Individuals in certain tribes would accumulate property for years just to create an impression by burning it up on some holiday or by freely distributing it to fellow tribesmen. This made them great men. Even modern peoples revel in the lavish distribution of Christmas gifts, while rich men endow great institutions of philanthropy and learning. Man’s technique varies, but his disposition remains quite unchanged. |
69:5.14 (777.2) Retfærdigvis skal det bemærkes, at mange af fortidens rige mænd gav meget af deres formue væk på grund af frygt for at blive dræbt af dem, der eftertragtede deres skatte. Det var almindelig, at velhavende mænd ofrede snesevis af slaver for at vise deres foragt for rigdom. |
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69:5.14 (777.2) But it is only fair to record that many an ancient rich man distributed much of his fortune because of the fear of being killed by those who coveted his treasures. Wealthy men commonly sacrificed scores of slaves to show disdain for wealth. |
69:5.15 (777.3) Selvom kapital har haft en tendens til at befri mennesket, har det i høj grad kompliceret hans sociale og industrielle organisation. Det misbrug af kapital som illoyal kapitalister er skyldige i ødelægger ikke det faktum, at det udgør grundlaget for det moderne industrisamfund. Gennem kapital og opfindelse så nyder den nuværende generation en højere grad af frihed end nogen anden, som tidligere eksisterede på jorden. Dette er noteret som en kendsgerning og ikke som et forsvar af de mange misbrug af kapital som tankeløse og egoistiske ledere har forårsaget. |
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69:5.15 (777.3) Though capital has tended to liberate man, it has greatly complicated his social and industrial organization. The abuse of capital by unfair capitalists does not destroy the fact that it is the basis of modern industrial society. Through capital and invention the present generation enjoys a higher degree of freedom than any that ever preceded it on earth. This is placed on record as a fact and not in justification of the many misuses of capital by thoughtless and selfish custodians. |
6. Ild i forhold til civilisationen ^top |
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6. Fire in Relation to Civilization ^top |
69:6.1 (777.4) Det primitive samfund med sine fire forretningsområder - den produktionsøkonomiske, den regulerende, den religiøse og den militære er opstået gennem medvirken af ild, dyr, slaver, og ejendom. |
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69:6.1 (777.4) Primitive society with its four divisions—industrial, regulative, religious, and military—rose through the instrumentality of fire, animals, slaves, and property. |
69:6.2 (777.5) Udarbejdelsen af ild adskilte i et spring for evigt mennesket fra dyret; det er menneskets grundlæggende opfindelse eller opdagelse. Ilden gjorde det muligt for mennesket at blive på jorden i løbet af natten, da alle dyr er bange for ild. Ilden opmuntrede til selskabelig socialisering om aftenen; den beskyttede ikke kun mod kulde og vilde dyr, men blev også brugt som sikkerhed mod spøgelser. Den var i første omgang brugt mere som lys end varme; mange tilbagestående stammer nægter at sove, medmindre en flamme brænder hele natten. |
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69:6.2 (777.5) Fire building, by a single bound, forever separated man from animal; it is the basic human invention, or discovery. Fire enabled man to stay on the ground at night as all animals are afraid of it. Fire encouraged eventide social intercourse; it not only protected against cold and wild beasts but was also employed as security against ghosts. It was at first used more for light than heat; many backward tribes refuse to sleep unless a flame burns all night. |
69:6.3 (777.6) Ilden var en stor civilisere, der gav mennesket dets første mulighed for at være uselvisk uden at miste noget, da det kunne give glødende kul til en nabo uden selv at blive fattigere. Ilden i husstanden, som blev bevogtet af moderen eller ældste datter, var den første underviser, der kræver årvågenhed og pålidelighed. Hjemmet i de tidligere tider var ikke en bygning, men familien samledes om ilden, familiens arne. Når en søn grundlagde et nyt hjem, bar han en ildfakkel med sig fra familiens arne. |
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69:6.3 (777.6) Fire was a great civilizer, providing man with his first means of being altruistic without loss by enabling him to give live coals to a neighbor without depriving himself. The household fire, which was attended by the mother or eldest daughter, was the first educator, requiring watchfulness and dependability. The early home was not a building but the family gathered about the fire, the family hearth. When a son founded a new home, he carried a firebrand from the family hearth. |
69:6.4 (777.7) Selvom Andon, opdageren af ilden, undgik at behandle den som en genstand for tilbedelse, betragtede mange af hans efterkommere flammen som en fetich eller som en ånd. De gik glip af de sundhedsmæssige fordele af ild, fordi de ikke ville brænde affald. De primitive mennesker frygtede ilden og forsøgte altid at holde den i godt humør, med overdrysning af røgelse. Under ingen omstændigheder ville fortidens mennesker spytte i ilden, og heller ikke ville de nogensinde passere mellem nogen og en brændende ild. Selv svovlkis og flint, der blev anvendt til at slå ild med blev holdt hellig af tidlige tiders menneskehed. |
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69:6.4 (777.7) Though Andon, the discoverer of fire, avoided treating it as an object of worship, many of his descendants regarded the flame as a fetish or as a spirit. They failed to reap the sanitary benefits of fire because they would not burn refuse. Primitive man feared fire and always sought to keep it in good humor, hence the sprinkling of incense. Under no circumstances would the ancients spit in a fire, nor would they ever pass between anyone and a burning fire. Even the iron pyrites and flints used in striking fire were held sacred by early mankind. |
69:6.5 (777.8) Det var en synd at slukke en flamme; hvis en hytte brød i brand, fik den lov til at brænde. Ilden i templer og helligdomme var hellige og fik aldrig lov til at gå ud, bortset fra når det var skik at antænde nye flammer en gang om året eller efter nogen katastrofe. Kvinder blev udvalgt som præster, fordi de var vogtere af hjemmets ild. |
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69:6.5 (777.8) It was a sin to extinguish a flame; if a hut caught fire, it was allowed to burn. The fires of the temples and shrines were sacred and were never permitted to go out except that it was the custom to kindle new flames annually or after some calamity. Women were selected as priests because they were custodians of the home fires. |
69:6.6 (778.1) De gamle myter om, hvordan ild kom ned fra guderne voksede ud af observationerne af brand forårsaget af lynnedslag. Disse ideer om en overnaturlig oprindelse førte direkte til tilbedelse af ild, og ild tilbedelse førte til skikken at ”passerer gennem ild”, en praksis der fortsatte frem til Moses tid. Tanken om at passere gennem ild efter døden forekommer stadig. Myten om ild var et stærkt forenende bånd i oldtiden og er stadig til stede i Parsernes symbolik. |
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69:6.6 (778.1) The early myths about how fire came down from the gods grew out of the observations of fire caused by lightning. These ideas of supernatural origin led directly to fire worship, and fire worship led to the custom of “passing through fire,” a practice carried on up to the times of Moses. And there still persists the idea of passing through fire after death. The fire myth was a great bond in early times and still persists in the symbolism of the Parsees. |
69:6.7 (778.2) Ilden førte til madlavning, og ”rå spiser” blev et spottende udtryk. Med kogning af fødevarer faldt forbruget af den livsenergi der var krævet for fordøjelsen af mad og tillod de tidlige mennesker en vis styrke for social kultur, mens dyrehold, med faldende indsats for at erhverve mad, gav tid til sociale aktiviteter. |
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69:6.7 (778.2) Fire led to cooking, and “raw eaters” became a term of derision. And cooking lessened the expenditure of vital energy necessary for the digestion of food and so left early man some strength for social culture, while animal husbandry, by reducing the effort necessary to secure food, provided time for social activities. |
69:6.8 (778.3) Man bør huske, at ilden åbnede dørerne til bearbejdning af metaller og førte til den senere opdagelse af dampkraft og nutidens anvendelse af elektricitet. |
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69:6.8 (778.3) It should be remembered that fire opened the doors to metalwork and led to the subsequent discovery of steam power and the present-day uses of electricity. |
7. Udnyttelse af dyr ^top |
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7. The Utilization of Animals ^top |
69:7.1 (778.4) Til at begynde med, så var hele dyreverdenen menneskets fjende; mennesket måtte lære at beskytte sig mod vilddyrene. Først spiste mennesket dyrene, men lærte senere at tæmme og få dem til at tjene ham. |
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69:7.1 (778.4) To start with, the entire animal world was man’s enemy; human beings had to learn to protect themselves from the beasts. First, man ate the animals but later learned to domesticate and make them serve him. |
69:7.2 (778.5) Tæmningen af dyr begyndte ved et uheld. De vilde ville jage dyreflokken på samme måde som de amerikanske indianere jagede bison. Ved at omringe besætningen kunne de holde dyrene i kontrol og kunne så dræbe dem, efterhånden som de var nødvendige for føde. Senere blev der bygget hegn, og hele besætninger indfanget i dem. |
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69:7.2 (778.5) The domestication of animals came about accidentally. The savage would hunt herds much as the American Indians hunted the bison. By surrounding the herd they could keep control of the animals, thus being able to kill them as they were required for food. Later, corrals were constructed, and entire herds would be captured. |
69:7.3 (778.6) Det var let at tæmme nogle dyr, men ligesom elefanten, ville mange af dem ikke yngle i fangenskab. Endnu senere opdaget man, at visse arter af dyr underkastede sig menneskets tilstedeværelse, og at de ville yngle i fangenskab. Tæmning af dyr blev således fremmet af selektiv avl, en kunst, der har gjort store fremskridt siden tiden i Dalamatia. |
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69:7.3 (778.6) It was easy to tame some animals, but like the elephant, many of them would not reproduce in captivity. Still further on it was discovered that certain species of animals would submit to man’s presence, and that they would reproduce in captivity. The domestication of animals was thus promoted by selective breeding, an art which has made great progress since the days of Dalamatia. |
69:7.4 (778.7) Hunden var det første dyr, der blev tæmmet, og de vanskelige erfaringer med at tæmme den begyndte, da en vis hund, efter at have fulgt en jæger rundt hele dagen, faktisk gik med ham hjem. Gennem tidsaldre blev hunden brugt til mad, jagt, transport og kammeratskab. Først hylede hundene, men senere lærte de at gø. Hundens skarpe lugtesans førte til begrebet om at den kunne se ånder, og så opstod der kulter omkring hunden som fetich. Vagthunde gjorde det for først gang muligt for hele klanen at sove om natten. Det blev derefter skik at ansætte vagthunde for at beskytte hjemmet mod ånder samt mod materielle fjender. Når hunden gøede, var det et menneske eller dyr som nærmede sig, men når hunden hylede, så var der ånder i nærheden. Selv i dag er der mange som stadig tror, at når hunden hyler om natten varsler det død. |
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69:7.4 (778.7) The dog was the first animal to be domesticated, and the difficult experience of taming it began when a certain dog, after following a hunter around all day, actually went home with him. For ages dogs were used for food, hunting, transportation, and companionship. At first dogs only howled, but later on they learned to bark. The dog’s keen sense of smell led to the notion it could see spirits, and thus arose the dog-fetish cults. The employment of watchdogs made it first possible for the whole clan to sleep at night. It then became the custom to employ watchdogs to protect the home against spirits as well as material enemies. When the dog barked, man or beast approached, but when the dog howled, spirits were near. Even now many still believe that a dog’s howling at night betokens death. |
69:7.5 (778.8) Da manden var jæger, var han temmelig venlig til kvinder, men efter tæmningen af dyr var begyndt, kombineret med forvirringen efter Caligastia, behandlede mange stammer deres kvinder skammeligt. De behandlede dem alt for meget, ligesom de behandlede deres dyr. Mandens brutale behandling af kvinden er et af de mørkeste kapitler i menneskehedens historie. |
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69:7.5 (778.8) When man was a hunter, he was fairly kind to woman, but after the domestication of animals, coupled with the Caligastia confusion, many tribes shamefully treated their women. They treated them altogether too much as they treated their animals. Man’s brutal treatment of woman constitutes one of the darkest chapters of human history. |
8. Slaveriet som en faktor i civilisationen ^top |
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8. Slavery as a Factor in Civilization ^top |
69:8.1 (778.9) Det primitive menneske tøvede aldrig med at slavebinde sine medmennesker. Kvinden var den første slave, en familie slave. Hyrde tidens mænd slavebandt kvinden som sin laverestående seksualpartner. Denne form for sexslaveri voksede direkte ud af mandens mindre afhængighed af kvinden. |
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69:8.1 (778.9) Primitive man never hesitated to enslave his fellows. Woman was the first slave, a family slave. Pastoral man enslaved woman as his inferior sex partner. This sort of sex slavery grew directly out of man’s decreased dependence upon woman. |
69:8.2 (779.1) For ikke så længe siden var slaveriet skæbnen for de krigsfanger, der nægtede at acceptere erobrerens religion. I tidligere tider blev fanger enten spist, tortureret til døde, sat til at bekæmpe hinanden, ofret til ånderne, eller gjort til slaver. Slaveriet var en stor forbedring fra massakre og kannibalisme. |
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69:8.2 (779.1) Not long ago enslavement was the lot of those military captives who refused to accept the conqueror’s religion. In earlier times captives were either eaten, tortured to death, set to fighting each other, sacrificed to spirits, or enslaved. Slavery was a great advancement over massacre and cannibalism. |
69:8.3 (779.2) Slaveriet var et skridt fremad på vejen mod en barmhjertigere behandling af krigsfanger. Bagholdsangrebet på Ai, med massakre af mænd, kvinder og børn, og kun kongen skånes for at tilfredsstille erobrerens forfængelighed, er et retvisende billede af den barbariske nedslagtning, som blev praktiseret af selv angiveligt civiliserede folk. Angrebet på Og, kongen af Bashan, var lige så brutal og effektiv. Hebræerne ”ødelagde fuldstændigt ” deres fjender, tog al deres ejendom som krigsbytte. De krævede at alle byer betalte skat med truslen om at ellers ”fuldstændig ødelæggelse af alle mænd.” Men mange af de samtidige stammer, dem, hvor stammeegoismen var mindre, var for længst begyndt at praktisere inddragelse af højerestående krigsfanger i deres egne stammer. |
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69:8.3 (779.2) Enslavement was a forward step in the merciful treatment of war captives. The ambush of Ai, with the wholesale slaughter of men, women, and children, only the king being saved to gratify the conqueror’s vanity, is a faithful picture of the barbaric slaughter practiced by even supposedly civilized peoples. The raid upon Og, the king of Bashan, was equally brutal and effective. The Hebrews “utterly destroyed” their enemies, taking all their property as spoils. They put all cities under tribute on pain of the “destruction of all males.” But many of the contemporary tribes, those having less tribal egotism, had long since begun to practice the adoption of superior captives. |
69:8.4 (779.3) Jægeren, ligesom det røde menneske i Amerika, tog ikke slaver. Enten adopterede eller dræbte han sine fanger. Slaveri var ikke udbredt blandt hyrde folket, for de havde færre behov for arbejdskraft. Ved krig praktiserede hyrde folket at dræbe alle mandlige fanger og tog kun kvinder og børn som slaver. Moses lov indeholdt specifikke anvisninger om hvordan disse kvindelige fanger kunne tages til hustruer. Hvis de ikke var tilfredsstillende, kunne de blive sendt væk, men hebræerne fik ikke lov til at sælge sådanne afviste ægtefæller som slaver - det var i det mindste ét fremskridt i civilisationen. Selvom hebræernes sociale adfærdsnormer var grove, var de langt højere end normerne hos de omkringliggende stammer. |
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69:8.4 (779.3) The hunter, like the American red man, did not enslave. He either adopted or killed his captives. Slavery was not prevalent among the pastoral peoples, for they needed few laborers. In war the herders made a practice of killing all men captives and taking as slaves only the women and children. The Mosaic code contained specific directions for making wives of these women captives. If not satisfactory, they could be sent away, but the Hebrews were not allowed to sell such rejected consorts as slaves—that was at least one advance in civilization. Though the social standards of the Hebrews were crude, they were far above those of the surrounding tribes. |
69:8.5 (779.4) Hyrderne var de første kapitalister; deres besætninger repræsenterede kapital, og de levede på renten - den naturlige tilvækst. Og de var uvillige til at overdrage pasningen af denne rigdom til enten slaver eller kvinder. Men senere tog de mandlige fanger og tvang disse til at dyrke jorden. Dette er den tidlige oprindelse af livegenskabet - mennesket bundet til jorden. Afrikanerne kunne nemt lære at dyrke jorden; derfor blev de den store slaverace. |
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69:8.5 (779.4) The herders were the first capitalists; their herds represented capital, and they lived on the interest—the natural increase. And they were disinclined to trust this wealth to the keeping of either slaves or women. But later on they took male prisoners and forced them to cultivate the soil. This is the early origin of serfdom—man attached to the land. The Africans could easily be taught to till the soil; hence they became the great slave race. |
69:8.6 (779.5) Slaveriet var et uundværligt led i kæden af den menneskelige civilisation. Det var den bro over hvilken samfundet passerede fra kaos og magelighed til orden og civiliserede aktiviteter; Det tvang tilbagestående og dovne folk til at arbejde og dermed forsynede deres overordnede med rigdom og fritid til fremme af deres samfund. |
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69:8.6 (779.5) Slavery was an indispensable link in the chain of human civilization. It was the bridge over which society passed from chaos and indolence to order and civilized activities; it compelled backward and lazy peoples to work and thus provide wealth and leisure for the social advancement of their superiors. |
69:8.7 (779.6) Slaveriinstitutionen tvang mennesket til at opfinde en reguleringsmekanisme i primitive samfund; den gav oprindelse til en begyndende administration. Slaveriet kræver opretholdelse af en streng orden og under den europæiske middelalder ophørte denne næsten, fordi de feudale herrer ikke kunne styre slaverne. De tilbagestående stammer fra fortiden, ligesom de indfødte australiere i dag, havde aldrig slaver. |
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69:8.7 (779.6) The institution of slavery compelled man to invent the regulative mechanism of primitive society; it gave origin to the beginnings of government. Slavery demands strong regulation and during the European Middle Ages virtually disappeared because the feudal lords could not control the slaves. The backward tribes of ancient times, like the native Australians of today, never had slaves. |
69:8.8 (779.7) Sandt nok, slaveriet var undertrykkende, men det var i undertrykkelses skoler, at mennesket lærte industri. Til sidst blev slaverne delagtiggjort af velsignelserne i de højerestående samfund, som de så uvilligt havde bidraget til at skabe. Slaveriet skaber en organisation for kultur og sociale præstation, men angriber snigende snart samfundet indefra som den alvorligste af alle destruktive sociale sygdomme. |
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69:8.8 (779.7) True, slavery was oppressive, but it was in the schools of oppression that man learned industry. Eventually the slaves shared the blessings of a higher society which they had so unwillingly helped create. Slavery creates an organization of culture and social achievement but soon insidiously attacks society internally as the gravest of all destructive social maladies. |
69:8.9 (779.8) De moderne mekaniske opfindelse gjort slaven forældet. Slaveriet, ligesom polygami, ophører, fordi det ikke kan betale sig. Men det har altid vist sig at være katastrofalt pludselig at frigive et stort antal slaver; det bliver et mindre problem når de frigives gradvist. |
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69:8.9 (779.8) Modern mechanical invention rendered the slave obsolete. Slavery, like polygamy, is passing because it does not pay. But it has always proved disastrous suddenly to liberate great numbers of slaves; less trouble ensues when they are gradually emancipated. |
69:8.10 (780.1) 1 dag er mennesker ikke sociale slaver, men tusindvis af mennesker tillader ambitioner at slavebinde dem til gæld. Ufrivilligt slaveri har veget pladsen for en ny og forbedret form af modificeret industriel trældom. |
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69:8.10 (780.1) Today, men are not social slaves, but thousands allow ambition to enslave them to debt. Involuntary slavery has given way to a new and improved form of modified industrial servitude. |
69:8.11 (780.2) Selvom samfundets ideal er universel frihed bør lediggang aldrig tolereres. Alle raske personer bør være forpligtet til at udføre mindst lige så meget arbejde som er nødvendigt for deres egen opretholdelse. |
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69:8.11 (780.2) While the ideal of society is universal freedom, idleness should never be tolerated. All able-bodied persons should be compelled to do at least a self-sustaining amount of work. |
69:8.12 (780.3) Det moderne samfund er i bakgear. Slaveri er næsten forsvundet; tamdyrenes tid er også snart forbi. Civilisationen strækker sig bagud mod ild - den uorganiske verden - om magten. Mennesket løftede sig op fra barbari ved brug af ild, dyr, og slaveri; nu går det tilbage, og opgiver hjælp fra slaver og dyr, mens det søger at vriste nye hemmeligheder og kilder til rigdom og magt fra naturelementernes skatkamre. |
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69:8.12 (780.3) Modern society is in reverse. Slavery has nearly disappeared; domesticated animals are passing. Civilization is reaching back to fire—the inorganic world—for power. Man came up from savagery by way of fire, animals, and slavery; today he reaches back, discarding the help of slaves and the assistance of animals, while he seeks to wrest new secrets and sources of wealth and power from the elemental storehouse of nature. |
9. Privat egendom ^top |
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9. Private Property ^top |
69:9.1 (780.4) Selv om næsten alle primitive samfund var kommunale, var det primitive menneske ikke tilhænger af de nutidige kommunistiske doktriner. Kommunismen i disse tidlige tider var ikke blot en teori eller social doktrin; den var en simpel og praktisk automatisk justering. Kommunismen forhindrede fattigdom og nød; tiggeri og prostitution var næsten ukendt blandt disse gamle stammer. |
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69:9.1 (780.4) While primitive society was virtually communal, primitive man did not adhere to the modern doctrines of communism. The communism of these early times was not a mere theory or social doctrine; it was a simple and practical automatic adjustment. Communism prevented pauperism and want; begging and prostitution were almost unknown among these ancient tribes. |
69:9.2 (780.5) Urkommunisme var ikke specielt egnet til at trykke mennesker ned til samme niveau, heller ikke til at ophøje middelmådighed, men den appelerede til inaktivitet og lediggang og den undertrykte industri og kvalte ambitioner. Kommunismen var en uundværlig støttestruktur for primitive samfunds vækst, men den gav efter for udviklingen af en højere social orden, fordi den var i strid med fire stærke menneskelige tilbøjeligheder: |
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69:9.2 (780.5) Primitive communism did not especially level men down, nor did it exalt mediocrity, but it did put a premium on inactivity and idleness, and it did stifle industry and destroy ambition. Communism was indispensable scaffolding in the growth of primitive society, but it gave way to the evolution of a higher social order because it ran counter to four strong human proclivities: |
69:9.3 (780.6) 1. Familien. Mennesket har ikke kun behov for at indsamle ejendom; det ønsker også at testamentere sin formue til sine efterkommere. Men i de tidlige kommunale samfund blev et menneskes kapital ved dets død enten umiddelbart anvendt eller fordelt indenfor gruppen. Der var ingen arv af ejendom - arveafgift var et hundrede procent. De skikke som senere blev udviklet for kapitalakkumulering og ejendomsarv var et klart fremskridt i samfundet. Dette er sandt uanset de efterfølgende store krænkelser der ledsagede misbrug af kapitalen. |
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69:9.3 (780.6) 1. The family. Man not only craves to accumulate property; he desires to bequeath his capital goods to his progeny. But in early communal society a man’s capital was either immediately consumed or distributed among the group at his death. There was no inheritance of property—the inheritance tax was one hundred per cent. The later capital-accumulation and property-inheritance mores were a distinct social advance. And this is true notwithstanding the subsequent gross abuses attendant upon the misuse of capital. |
69:9.4 (780.7) 2. Religiøse tendenser. Det primitive menneske ønskede også at spare ejendele op som et grundlag til at starte livet i det næste liv. Dette motiv forklarer, hvorfor det i så lang tid var skik at sætte et menneskets personlige ejendele i graven med sig. Fortidens mennesker troede, at det kun var de rige der overlevede døden i en snarlig umiddelbar glæde og værdig fortsættelse. Lærerne af åbenbaret religion, herunder navnlig de kristne lærere, var de første til at forkyndte, at de fattige kunne få frelse på lige fod med de rige. |
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69:9.4 (780.7) 2. Religious tendencies. Primitive man also wanted to save up property as a nucleus for starting life in the next existence. This motive explains why it was so long the custom to bury a man’s personal belongings with him. The ancients believed that only the rich survived death with any immediate pleasure and dignity. The teachers of revealed religion, more especially the Christian teachers, were the first to proclaim that the poor could have salvation on equal terms with the rich. |
69:9.5 (780.8) 3. Ønsket om frihed og fritid. I de tidligere tider for social evolution blev fordelingen af den enkeltes indkomst blandt sine gruppe medlemmer næsten en form for slaveri; den arbejdende blev slave til den nytteløse. Den selvmorderiske svaghed i kommunismen lå heri: at det blev almindeligt at den letsindige levede på den sparsommeliges bekostning. Selv i moderne tid afhænger de uforudseende af staten (sparsommelige skatteydere) til at tage sig af dem. De, der ikke har nogen kapital forventer stadig, at de der har, skal give dem deres brød. |
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69:9.5 (780.8) 3. The desire for liberty and leisure. In the earlier days of social evolution the apportionment of individual earnings among the group was virtually a form of slavery; the worker was made slave to the idler. This was the suicidal weakness of communism: The improvident habitually lived off the thrifty. Even in modern times the improvident depend on the state (thrifty taxpayers) to take care of them. Those who have no capital still expect those who have to feed them. |
69:9.6 (780.9) 4. Trangen til sikkerhed og magt. Kommunismen blev til sidst ødelagt af progressive og succesfulde individers vildledende praksis, som brugte forskellige omveje i et forsøg på at undslippe slaveriet til stammernes uduelige lediggængere. Til en begyndelsen var alt hamstring hemmeligt; usikkerhed i det primitive samfund forhindrede udad synlig kapitalakkumulation. Selv på et senere tidspunkt, var det meget farligt at samle for meget rigdom; man kunne være sikker på at kongen ville finde på enhver anklage for at få en rig mands ejendom konfiskeret, og når en velhavende mand døde, blev begravelsen forsinket indtil familien donerede et stort beløb til den offentlige velfærd eller til kongen, en arveafgift. |
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69:9.6 (780.9) 4. The urge for security and power. Communism was finally destroyed by the deceptive practices of progressive and successful individuals who resorted to diverse subterfuges in an effort to escape enslavement to the shiftless idlers of their tribes. But at first all hoarding was secret; primitive insecurity prevented the outward accumulation of capital. And even at a later time it was most dangerous to amass too much wealth; the king would be sure to trump up some charge for confiscating a rich man’s property, and when a wealthy man died, the funeral was held up until the family donated a large sum to public welfare or to the king, an inheritance tax. |
69:9.7 (781.1) I de tidligste tider var kvinderne samfundets ejendom, og moderen dominerede familien. De tidlige høvdinge ejede hele landet og var indehavere af alle kvinder; ægteskab krævede samtykke fra stammehøvdingen. Da kommunismen forsvandt, blev kvinderne privat ejendom, og faderen overtog til sidst kontrollen med hjemmet. Hjemmet fik således sin begyndelse, og de herskende polygame skikke blev gradvist fortrængt af monogami. (Polygami er overlevelsen af kvindeslaveriets element i ægteskabet. Monogami er det slavefrie ideal om den uforlignelige sammenslutning af en mand og en kvinde i den ædle opgave at danne et hjem, opdrætte afkom, skabe fælles kultur og udvikle sig selv. ) |
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69:9.7 (781.1) In earliest times women were the property of the community, and the mother dominated the family. The early chiefs owned all the land and were proprietors of all the women; marriage required the consent of the tribal ruler. With the passing of communism, women were held individually, and the father gradually assumed domestic control. Thus the home had its beginning, and the prevailing polygamous customs were gradually displaced by monogamy. (Polygamy is the survival of the female-slavery element in marriage. Monogamy is the slave-free ideal of the matchless association of one man and one woman in the exquisite enterprise of home building, offspring rearing, mutual culture, and self-improvement.) |
69:9.8 (781.2) Til en begyndelse var al ejendom, herunder redskaber og våben, i stammens fælleseje. Privat ejendom bestod først og fremmest af alle de ejendele de personligt havde rørt. Hvis en fremmed drak af en kop, var bægeret fremover hans. Dernæst blev ethvert sted, hvor blod var udgydt den sårede persons eller gruppens ejendom. |
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69:9.8 (781.2) At first, all property, including tools and weapons, was the common possession of the tribe. Private property first consisted of all things personally touched. If a stranger drank from a cup, the cup was henceforth his. Next, any place where blood was shed became the property of the injured person or group. |
69:9.9 (781.3) Privat ejendom blev således oprindeligt respekteret, fordi det var antaget at være ladet med en del af ejerens personlighed. Ærlighed, når det gælder ejendom hvilede trygt på denne type overtro; ingen politi var nødvendige for at beskytte personlige ejendele. Der var ingen der stjal indeni gruppen, selv om menneskerne ikke tøvede med at tilegne sig varer fra andre stammer. Forholdet til ejendom endte ikke med døden; tidligt blev personlige effekter brændt, derefter begravet med de døde, og senere, arvet af den efterladte familie eller af stammen. |
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69:9.9 (781.3) Private property was thus originally respected because it was supposed to be charged with some part of the owner’s personality. Property honesty rested safely on this type of superstition; no police were needed to guard personal belongings. There was no stealing within the group, though men did not hesitate to appropriate the goods of other tribes. Property relations did not end with death; early, personal effects were burned, then buried with the dead, and later, inherited by the surviving family or by the tribe. |
69:9.10 (781.4) Smykketyper af personlige effekter opstod fra brugen af at bære amuletter. Forfængelighed kombineret med frygten for spøgelse fik de tidlige mennesker til at modstå alle forsøg på at fratage dem deres foretrukne amuletter, idet en sådan ejendom var værdsat højere end nødvendigheder. |
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69:9.10 (781.4) The ornamental type of personal effects originated in the wearing of charms. Vanity plus ghost fear led early man to resist all attempts to relieve him of his favorite charms, such property being valued above necessities. |
69:9.11 (781.5) Sovepladsen var en af menneskets tidligste ejendom. Senere blev hjemmetomten tildelt af stammernes høvdinge, som varetog al fast ejendom for gruppen. Et ildsted gav øjeblikkelig ejerskab; og endnu senere, fik man brugsretten til den tilstødende jord. |
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69:9.11 (781.5) Sleeping space was one of man’s earliest properties. Later, homesites were assigned by the tribal chiefs, who held all real estate in trust for the group. Presently a fire site conferred ownership; and still later, a well constituted title to the adjacent land. |
69:9.12 (781.6) Vandhuller og brønde var blandt de første private ejendele. Hele fetichssystemet blev anvendt til at bevogte vandhuller, brønde, træer, afgrøder og honning. Efter tabet af troen på fetich, udvikledes love til at beskytte private ejendele. Men jagtlove, retten til at jage, eksisterede længe før jordlovene. De røde mennesker i Amerika forstod aldrig den private ejendomsret til jord; de kunne ikke forstå den hvide mands synspunkt. |
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69:9.12 (781.6) Water holes and wells were among the first private possessions. The whole fetish practice was utilized to guard water holes, wells, trees, crops, and honey. Following the loss of faith in the fetish, laws were evolved to protect private belongings. But game laws, the right to hunt, long preceded land laws. The American red man never understood private ownership of land; he could not comprehend the white man’s view. |
69:9.13 (781.7) Privat ejendom blev tidligt præget af familiens insignier, og det er den tidlige oprindelse af familiens våbenskjold. Fast ejendom kunne også blive bevogtet af ånder. Præsterne kunne ”helliggøre” et stykke jord, og det hvilede derefter under beskyttelse af de magiske tabuer som var opført derpå. Ejerne til jorden blev herefter omtalt som at have et ”præstebevis.” Hebræerne havde stor respekt for disse vartegns familier: ”Forbandet være den, som fjerner sin næstes vartegn.” Disse stenmarkører bar præstens initialer. Selv træer, der var markeret med initialerne blev privat ejendom. |
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69:9.13 (781.7) Private property was early marked by family insignia, and this is the early origin of family crests. Real estate could also be put under the watchcare of spirits. The priests would “consecrate” a piece of land, and it would then rest under the protection of the magic taboos erected thereon. Owners thereof were said to have a “priest’s title.” The Hebrews had great respect for these family landmarks: “Cursed be he who removes his neighbor’s landmark.” These stone markers bore the priest’s initials. Even trees, when initialed, became private property. |
69:9.14 (782.1) I begyndelsen var det kun afgrøderne som var private, men flere afgrøder i træk gav besiddelsesret; landbruget var således tilblivelsen af den private ejendomsret til jord. Individer fik først besiddelsesret til et liv; efter døden vendte jorden tilbage til stammen. Det allerførste skøde som stammerne bevilligede til enkelte personer var graven - familiens begravelses grunde. I senere tider tilhørte jorden dem, som indhegnede den. Byerne forbeholdte altid visse landområder til offentlige græsarealer og til brug i tilfælde af belejring; disse ”fællesområder” repræsenterer overlevelse af den tidligere form for kollektiv ejendomsret. |
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69:9.14 (782.1) In early days only the crops were private, but successive crops conferred title; agriculture was thus the genesis of the private ownership of land. Individuals were first given only a life tenureship; at death land reverted to the tribe. The very first land titles granted by tribes to individuals were graves—family burying grounds. In later times land belonged to those who fenced it. But the cities always reserved certain lands for public pasturage and for use in case of siege; these “commons” represent the survival of the earlier form of collective ownership. |
69:9.15 (782.2) Til sidst tildelte staten ejendom til den enkelte, men forbeholdt sig retten til beskatning. Når jordejerne på denne måde havde fået deres ejerskab sikret, kunne de indsamle husleje, og jorden blev en indtægtskilde - kapital. Til sidst blev jorden en reel vare, der kunne sælges, eller på anden måde overføres, pantsættes, og komme på tvangsauktion. |
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69:9.15 (782.2) Eventually the state assigned property to the individual, reserving the right of taxation. Having made secure their titles, landlords could collect rents, and land became a source of income—capital. Finally land became truly negotiable, with sales, transfers, mortgages, and foreclosures. |
69:9.16 (782.3) Privat ejerskab medførte større frihed og øget stabilitet; men samfundet gav først tilladelse til privat ejendomsret til jorden efter at den fælles kontrol og ledelse var mislykkedes, og dette blev hurtigt efterfulgt af en række slaver, livegne og jordløse klasser. Forbedret mekanisk udstyr satte gradvis folk fri fra slaveagtigt slid. |
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69:9.16 (782.3) Private ownership brought increased liberty and enhanced stability; but private ownership of land was given social sanction only after communal control and direction had failed, and it was soon followed by a succession of slaves, serfs, and landless classes. But improved machinery is gradually setting men free from slavish toil. |
69:9.17 (782.4) Ejendomsretten er ikke absolut; den er rent socialt. Men hele administrationssystemet, lov, orden, borgerlige frihedsrettigheder, sociale rettigheder, konventioner, fred og lykke, som nutidens mennesker nyder godt af, er vokset op omkring den private ejendomsret. |
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69:9.17 (782.4) The right to property is not absolute; it is purely social. But all government, law, order, civil rights, social liberties, conventions, peace, and happiness, as they are enjoyed by modern peoples, have grown up around the private ownership of property. |
69:9.18 (782.5) Den nuværende sociale orden er ikke nødvendigvis rigtigt - ikke guddommelig eller hellig - men menneskeheden vil gøre klogt i at bevæge sig langsomt i at foretage ændringer. Det, som I har, er langt bedre end ethvert system som var kendt af jeres forfædre. Sørg for, at når I ændrer den sociale orden, så forsikre jer at I ændre til det bedre. Lad jer ikke blive overtalt til at eksperimentere med kasserede formler som jeres forfædre forlod. Gå fremad, ikke bagud! Lad evolution fortsætte! I må ikke tage et tilbageskridt. |
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69:9.18 (782.5) The present social order is not necessarily right—not divine or sacred—but mankind will do well to move slowly in making changes. That which you have is vastly better than any system known to your ancestors. Make certain that when you change the social order you change for the better. Do not be persuaded to experiment with the discarded formulas of your forefathers. Go forward, not backward! Let evolution proceed! Do not take a backward step. |
69:9.19 (782.6) [Præsenteret af en Melkisedek i Nebadon.] |
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69:9.19 (782.6) [Presented by a Melchizedek of Nebadon.] |