Kapitel 69		Paper 69
Primitive Menneskelige Institutioner		Primitive Human Institutions
69:0.1 (772.1) FØLELSESMÆSSIGT, overgår mennesket sine dyriske forfædre i sin evne til at værdsætte humor, kunst og religion. Socialt viser mennesket sin overlegenhed, fordi det er en værktøjsmager, en kommunikator og en institutionsbygger.		69:0.1 (772.1) EMOTIONALLY, man transcends his animal ancestors in his ability to appreciate humor, art, and religion. Socially, man exhibits his superiority in that he is a toolmaker, a communicator, and an institution builder.
69:0.2 (772.2) Når mennesker længe opretholder sociale grupper, resulterer sådanne sammenlægninger altid i skabelsen af visse aktivitetstendenser, som kulminerer i institutionalisering. De fleste af menneskets institutioner har vist sig at være arbejdsbesparende, samtidig med at de har bidraget til at øge gruppens sikkerhed.		69:0.2 (772.2) When human beings long maintain social groups, such aggregations always result in the creation of certain activity trends which culminate in institutionalization. Most of man’s institutions have proved to be laborsaving while at the same time contributing something to the enhancement of group security.
69:0.3 (772.3) Det civiliserede menneske er meget stolt af sine etablerede institutioners karakter, stabilitet og kontinuitet, men alle menneskelige institutioner er blot fortidens akkumulerede skikke, som de er blevet bevaret af tabuer og ophøjet til værdighed af religion. Sådan en arv bliver til traditioner, og traditioner forvandles i sidste ende til konventioner.		69:0.3 (772.3) Civilized man takes great pride in the character, stability, and continuity of his established institutions, but all human institutions are merely the accumulated mores of the past as they have been conserved by taboos and dignified by religion. Such legacies become traditions, and traditions ultimately metamorphose into conventions.
1. Menneskets grundlæggende institutioner ^top		1. Basic Human Institutions ^top
69:1.1 (772.4) Alle menneskelige institutioner opfylder et eller andet socialt behov, før eller nu, på trods af at deres overudvikling altid forringer individets værdifuldhed, fordi personligheden overskygges og initiativet mindskes. Mennesket bør kontrollere sine institutioner i stedet for at lade sig dominere af disse skabelser af den fremadskridende civilisation.		69:1.1 (772.4) All human institutions minister to some social need, past or present, notwithstanding that their overdevelopment unfailingly detracts from the worth-whileness of the individual in that personality is overshadowed and initiative is diminished. Man should control his institutions rather than permit himself to be dominated by these creations of advancing civilization.
69:1.2 (772.5) Menneskelige institutioner er af tre generelle klasser:		69:1.2 (772.5) Human institutions are of three general classes:
69:1.3 (772.6) 1. Institutionerne for selvopretholdelse. Disse institutioner omfatter de skikke, der vokser ud af sulten efter mad og de dermed forbundne instinkter til selvopholdelse. De omfatter industri, ejendom, krig for vindings skyld og hele samfundets regulerende maskineri. Før eller senere fremmer frygtinstinktet oprettelsen af disse overlevelsesinstitutioner ved hjælp af tabu, konvention og religiøs sanktion. Men frygt, uvidenhed og overtro har spillet en fremtrædende rolle i den tidlige oprindelse og efterfølgende udvikling af alle menneskelige institutioner.		69:1.3 (772.6) 1. The institutions of self-maintenance. These institutions embrace those practices growing out of food hunger and its associated instincts of self-preservation. They include industry, property, war for gain, and all the regulative machinery of society. Sooner or later the fear instinct fosters the establishment of these institutions of survival by means of taboo, convention, and religious sanction. But fear, ignorance, and superstition have played a prominent part in the early origin and subsequent development of all human institutions.
69:1.4 (772.7) 2. Institutionerne for forplantningen. Det er de samfundsinstitutioner, der vokser ud af sexsult, moderinstinkt og racernes højere, ømme følelser. De omfatter de sociale sikkerhedsforanstaltninger i hjemmet og skolen, i familielivet, uddannelse, etik og religion. De omfatter ægteskabsskikke, forsvarskrig og opbygning af hjemmet.		69:1.4 (772.7) 2. The institutions of self-perpetuation. These are the establishments of society growing out of sex hunger, maternal instinct, and the higher tender emotions of the races. They embrace the social safeguards of the home and the school, of family life, education, ethics, and religion. They include marriage customs, war for defense, and home building.
69:1.5 (772.8) 3. Institutionerne af nydelse og velvære. Det er den praksis, der vokser ud af forfængelighedens tilbøjeligheder og stolthedens følelser; og de omfatter skikke med hensyn til påklædning og personlig udsmykning, sociale skikke, krig for ære, dans, underholdning, spil og andre faser af sanselig tilfredsstillelse. Men civilisationen har aldrig udviklet særprægede institutioner for nydelse og velvære.		69:1.5 (772.8) 3. The institutions of self-gratification. These are the practices growing out of vanity proclivities and pride emotions; and they embrace customs in dress and personal adornment, social usages, war for glory, dancing, amusement, games, and other phases of sensual gratification. But civilization has never evolved distinctive institutions of self-gratification.
69:1.6 (773.1) Disse tre grupper af social praksis er intimt forbundne med hinanden og er indbyrdes afhængige af hinanden. På Urantia repræsenterer de en kompleks organisation, der fungerer som en enkelt social mekanisme.		69:1.6 (773.1) These three groups of social practices are intimately interrelated and minutely interdependent the one upon the other. On Urantia they represent a complex organization which functions as a single social mechanism.
2. Industriens begyndelse ^top		2. The Dawn of Industry ^top
69:2.1 (773.2) Den primitive industri voksede langsomt frem som en forsikring mod hungersnødens rædsler. Tidligt i sin eksistens begyndte mennesket at tage ved lære af nogle af de dyr, der under en høst med overflod oplagrer mad til dage med knaphed.		69:2.1 (773.2) Primitive industry slowly grew up as an insurance against the terrors of famine. Early in his existence man began to draw lessons from some of the animals that, during a harvest of plenty, store up food against the days of scarcity.
69:2.2 (773.3) Inden den tidlige sparsommelighed og den primitive produktionsindustri fik sin start var armod og reel lidelse den gennemsnitlige stammes lod. Urmenneskerne var tvunget til at konkurrere med hele dyreverdenen for sin føde. Konkurrenceeffekten trækker altid mennesket ned mod vilddyrets niveau; fattigdom er dets naturlige og tyranniserende tilstand. Rigdom er ikke en naturlig gave; den er resultatet af arbejdskraft, viden og organisation.		69:2.2 (773.3) Before the dawn of early frugality and primitive industry the lot of the average tribe was one of destitution and real suffering. Early man had to compete with the whole animal world for his food. Competition-gravity ever pulls man down toward the beast level; poverty is his natural and tyrannical estate. Wealth is not a natural gift; it results from labor, knowledge, and organization.
69:2.3 (773.4) Det primitive menneske var ikke sen til at erkende fordelene ved sammenslutning. Sammenslutning førte til organisering, og det første resultat af organisering var arbejdsdeling med øjeblikkelig besparelse af tid og materialer. Disse specialiseringer af arbejdet opstod ved tilpasning til presset—ved at følge de veje, hvor modstanden var mindst. Primitive vilde udførte aldrig noget rigtigt arbejde med glæde eller villighed. Hos dem skyldtes konformitet nødvendighedens tvang.		69:2.3 (773.4) Primitive man was not slow to recognize the advantages of association. Association led to organization, and the first result of organization was division of labor, with its immediate saving of time and materials. These specializations of labor arose by adaptation to pressure—pursuing the paths of lessened resistance. Primitive savages never did any real work cheerfully or willingly. With them conformity was due to the coercion of necessity.
69:2.4 (773.5) Det primitive menneske kunne ikke lide hårdt arbejde, og det skyndte sig ikke, medmindre det stod over for en alvorlig fare. Tidselementet i arbejde, ideen om at udføre en given opgave inden for en bestemt tidsgrænse, er udelukkende en moderne forestilling. De gamle havde aldrig travlt. Det var de dobbelte krav fra den intense kamp for tilværelsen og den stadigt stigende levestandard, der drev de naturligt inaktive racer af det tidlige menneske ind på industriens veje.		69:2.4 (773.5) Primitive man disliked hard work, and he would not hurry unless confronted by grave danger. The time element in labor, the idea of doing a given task within a certain time limit, is entirely a modern notion. The ancients were never rushed. It was the double demands of the intense struggle for existence and of the ever-advancing standards of living that drove the naturally inactive races of early man into avenues of industry.
69:2.5 (773.6) Arbejde, den planmæssige indsats, adskiller mennesket fra dyret, hvis anstrengelser i høj grad er instinktive. Nødvendigheden af arbejde er menneskets altoverskyggende velsignelse. Prinsens personale arbejdede alle; de gjorde meget for at forædle det fysiske arbejde på Urantia. Adam var gartner; hebræernes Gud arbejdede—han var skaberen og opretholderen af alle ting. Hebræerne var den første stamme, der satte industri i højsædet; de var det første folk, der forkyndte, at “den, der ikke arbejder, skal ikke spise.” Men mange af verdens religioner vendte tilbage til det tidlige ideal om lediggang. Jupiter var en festabe, og Buddha blev en reflekterende tilhænger af tidsfordriv.		69:2.5 (773.6) Labor, the efforts of design, distinguishes man from the beast, whose exertions are largely instinctive. The necessity for labor is man’s paramount blessing. The Prince’s staff all worked; they did much to ennoble physical labor on Urantia. Adam was a gardener; the God of the Hebrews labored—he was the creator and upholder of all things. The Hebrews were the first tribe to put a supreme premium on industry; they were the first people to decree that “he who does not work shall not eat.” But many of the religions of the world reverted to the early ideal of idleness. Jupiter was a reveler, and Buddha became a reflective devotee of leisure.
69:2.6 (773.7) Sangik-stammerne var ret flittige, når de boede væk fra troperne. Men der var en lang, lang kamp mellem de dovne tilhængere af magi og arbejdets apostle—dem, der udviste forudseenhed.		69:2.6 (773.7) The Sangik tribes were fairly industrious when residing away from the tropics. But there was a long, long struggle between the lazy devotees of magic and the apostles of work—those who exercised foresight.
69:2.7 (773.8) Den første menneskelige forudseenhed var rettet mod at bevare ild, vand og mad. Men det primitive menneske var den fødte gambler; det ønskede altid at få noget for ingenting, og alt for ofte i disse tidlige tider blev den succes, der opstod ved tålmodig øvelse, tilskrevet trylleformularer. Magi var langsom til at vige pladsen for forudseenhed, selvfornægtelse og industri.		69:2.7 (773.8) The first human foresight was directed toward the preservation of fire, water, and food. But primitive man was a natural-born gambler; he always wanted to get something for nothing, and all too often during these early times the success which accrued from patient practice was attributed to charms. Magic was slow to give way before foresight, self-denial, and industry.
3. Arbejdskraftens specialisering ^top		3. The Specialization of Labor ^top
69:3.1 (773.9) Arbejdsdelingen i det primitive samfund blev først bestemt ved naturlige, og derefter af de sociale, omstændigheder. Den tidlige rækkefølge af arbejdskraftens specialisering var:		69:3.1 (773.9) The divisions of labor in primitive society were determined first by natural, and then by social, circumstances. The early order of specialization in labor was:
69:3.2 (774.1) 1. Specialisering på baggrund af køn. Kvindens arbejde var afledt af barnets udvalgte tilstedeværelse; kvinder elsker af natur babyer mere end mænd gør. Således blev kvinden rutinearbejderen, mens manden blev jægeren og krigeren, der engagerede sig i forskellige perioder med arbejde og hvile.		69:3.2 (774.1) 1. Specialization based on sex. Woman’s work was derived from the selective presence of the child; women naturally love babies more than men do. Thus woman became the routine worker, while man became the hunter and fighter, engaging in accentuated periods of work and rest.
69:3.3 (774.2) Gennem tiderne har tabuerne holdt kvinden strengt inden for sit eget område. Manden har mest egoistisk valgt det mere behagelige arbejde og overladt det rutineprægede slid til kvinden. Manden har altid skammet sig over at udføre kvindens arbejde, men kvinden har aldrig vist nogen modvilje mod at udføre mandens arbejde. Men mærkeligt nok har både mænd og kvinder altid arbejdet sammen om at bygge og indrette hjemmet.		69:3.3 (774.2) All down through the ages the taboos have operated to keep woman strictly in her own field. Man has most selfishly chosen the more agreeable work, leaving the routine drudgery to woman. Man has always been ashamed to do woman’s work, but woman has never shown any reluctance to doing man’s work. But strange to record, both men and women have always worked together in building and furnishing the home.
69:3.4 (774.3) 2. Ændring som følge af alder og sygdom. Disse forskelle afgjorde den næste arbejdsdeling. De gamle mænd og krøblingerne blev tidligt sat til at lave værktøj og våben. Senere blev de sat til at bygge vandingsanlæg.		69:3.4 (774.3) 2. Modification consequent upon age and disease. These differences determined the next division of labor. The old men and cripples were early set to work making tools and weapons. They were later assigned to building irrigation works.
69:3.5 (774.4) 3. Differentiering baseret på religion. Medicinmændene var de første mennesker, der blev fritaget for fysisk arbejde; de var pionererne inden for den professionelle klasse. Smedene var en lille gruppe, der konkurrerede med medicinmændene som magikere. Deres evner til at arbejde med metaller gjorde folk bange for dem. De “hvide smede” og de “sorte smede” gav ophav til den tidlige tro på hvid og sort magi. Og denne tro blev senere involveret i overtroen om gode og onde spøgelser, gode og onde ånder.		69:3.5 (774.4) 3. Differentiation based on religion. The medicine men were the first human beings to be exempted from physical toil; they were the pioneer professional class. The smiths were a small group who competed with the medicine men as magicians. Their skill in working with metals made the people afraid of them. The “white smiths” and the “black smiths” gave origin to the early beliefs in white and black magic. And this belief later became involved in the superstition of good and bad ghosts, good and bad spirits.
69:3.6 (774.5) Smedene var den første ikke-religiøse gruppe, der nød godt af særlige privilegier. De blev betragtet som neutrale under krig, og denne ekstra fritid førte til, at de som klasse blev det primitive samfunds politikere. Men på grund af groft misbrug af disse privilegier blev smedene universelt hadet, og medicinmændene var ikke sene til at skabe had til deres konkurrenter. I denne første kamp mellem videnskab og religion vandt religionen (overtroen). Efter at være blevet drevet ud af landsbyerne opretholdt smedene de første kroer, offentlige overnatningssteder, i udkanten af bosættelserne.		69:3.6 (774.5) Smiths were the first nonreligious group to enjoy special privileges. They were regarded as neutrals during war, and this extra leisure led to their becoming, as a class, the politicians of primitive society. But through gross abuse of these privileges the smiths became universally hated, and the medicine men lost no time in fostering hatred for their competitors. In this first contest between science and religion, religion (superstition) won. After being driven out of the villages, the smiths maintained the first inns, public lodginghouses, on the outskirts of the settlements.
69:3.7 (774.6) 4. Herre og slave. Den næste differentiering af arbejdskraft voksede ud af forholdet mellem erobreren og de erobrede, og det betød begyndelsen på menneskets slaveri.		69:3.7 (774.6) 4. Master and slave. The next differentiation of labor grew out of the relations of the conqueror to the conquered, and that meant the beginning of human slavery.
69:3.8 (774.7) 5. Differentiering baseret på forskellige fysiske og mentale evner. Yderligere arbejdsdeling blev fremmet af de iboende forskelle i mennesker; alle mennesker er ikke født lige.		69:3.8 (774.7) 5. Differentiation based on diverse physical and mental endowments. Further divisions of labor were favored by the inherent differences in men; all human beings are not born equal.
69:3.9 (774.8) De tidlige industrispecialister var flinthuggerne og stenhuggerne; derefter kom smedene. Efterfølgende udviklede gruppespecialisering sig; hele familier og klaner dedikerede sig til bestemte former for arbejde. Oprindelsen af en af de tidligste kaster af præster, bortset fra stammernes medicinmænd, skyldtes den overtroiske ophøjelse af en familie af dygtige sværdfabrikanter.		69:3.9 (774.8) The early specialists in industry were the flint flakers and stone masons; next came the smiths. Subsequently group specialization developed; whole families and clans dedicated themselves to certain sorts of labor. The origin of one of the earliest castes of priests, apart from the tribal medicine men, was due to the superstitious exaltation of a family of expert swordmakers.
69:3.10 (774.9) Den første gruppe, der specialiserede sig i industri, var stensalteksportører og pottemagere. Kvinderne lavede den almindelige keramik og mændene den mere specielle. I nogle stammer blev syning og vævning udført af kvinder, i andre af mænd.		69:3.10 (774.9) The first group specialists in industry were rock salt exporters and potters. Women made the plain pottery and men the fancy. Among some tribes sewing and weaving were done by women, in others by the men.
69:3.11 (774.10) De første handlende var kvinder; de blev ansat som spioner og drev handel som en bibeskæftigelse. Efterhånden ekspanderede handelen, og kvinderne fungerede som formidlere—mellemhandlere. Så kom købmandsklassen, der opkrævede en kommission, fortjeneste, for deres tjenester. Væksten i gruppernes byttehandel udviklede sig til handel, og efter udvekslingen af varer kom udvekslingen af kvalificeret arbejdskraft.		69:3.11 (774.10) The early traders were women; they were employed as spies, carrying on commerce as a side line. Presently trade expanded, the women acting as intermediaries—jobbers. Then came the merchant class, charging a commission, profit, for their services. Growth of group barter developed into commerce; and following the exchange of commodities came the exchange of skilled labor.
4. Begyndelse af handels udveksling ^top		4. The Beginnings of Trade ^top
69:4.1 (775.1) Ligesom ægteskab ved kontrakt fulgte efter ægteskab ved tilfangetagelse, så fulgte handel ved byttehandel efter beslaglæggelse ved razziaer. Men der var en lang periode med pirateri mellem den tidlige praksis med tavs byttehandel og den senere handel med moderne udvekslingsmetoder.		69:4.1 (775.1) Just as marriage by contract followed marriage by capture, so trade by barter followed seizure by raids. But a long period of piracy intervened between the early practices of silent barter and the later trade by modern exchange methods.
69:4.2 (775.2) Den første byttehandel blev udført af bevæbnede handlende, som efterlod deres varer på et neutralt sted. Kvinderne holdt de første markeder; de var de tidligste handlende, og det skyldtes, at de var bærere af byrder; mændene var krigere. Meget tidligt blev handelsdisken udviklet, en mur, der var bred nok til at forhindre de handlende i at nå hinanden med våben.		69:4.2 (775.2) The first barter was conducted by armed traders who would leave their goods on a neutral spot. Women held the first markets; they were the earliest traders, and this was because they were the burden bearers; the men were warriors. Very early the trading counter was developed, a wall wide enough to prevent the traders reaching each other with weapons.
69:4.3 (775.3) En fetich blev brugt til at holde vagt ved deponering af varer til stille byttehandel. Sådanne markedspladser var sikrede mod tyveri; intet ville blive fjernet undtagen ved byttehandel eller køb; med en fetich på vagt var varerne altid sikre. De tidlige handlende var strengt ærlige inden for deres egne stammer, men betragtede det som helt i orden at snyde fjerne fremmede. Selv de tidlige hebræere anerkendte et særskilt etisk kodeks i deres omgang med ikke-jøderne.		69:4.3 (775.3) A fetish was used to stand guard over the deposits of goods for silent barter. Such market places were secure against theft; nothing would be removed except by barter or purchase; with a fetish on guard the goods were always safe. The early traders were scrupulously honest within their own tribes but regarded it as all right to cheat distant strangers. Even the early Hebrews recognized a separate code of ethics in their dealings with the gentiles.
69:4.4 (775.4) I årevis fortsatte den tavse byttehandel, før mænd mødtes ubevæbnede på den hellige markedsplads. De samme markedspladser blev de første tilflugtssteder, og i nogle lande blev de senere kendt som “tilflugtsbyer.” Enhver flygtning, der nåede frem til markedspladsen, var tryg og sikker mod angreb.		69:4.4 (775.4) For ages silent barter continued before men would meet, unarmed, on the sacred market place. These same market squares became the first places of sanctuary and in some countries were later known as “cities of refuge.” Any fugitive reaching the market place was safe and secure against attack.
69:4.5 (775.5) De første vægte var hvedekorn og andre kornsorter. Det første byttemiddel var en fisk eller en ged. Senere blev koen en bytteenhed.		69:4.5 (775.5) The first weights were grains of wheat and other cereals. The first medium of exchange was a fish or a goat. Later the cow became a unit of barter.
69:4.6 (775.6) Den moderne skrift stammer fra de tidlige handelsoptegnelser; menneskets første litteratur var et handelsfremmende dokument, en saltannonce. Mange af de tidligere krige blev udkæmpet over naturlige forekomster, såsom flint, salt og metaller. Den første formelle stammeaftale handlede om en saltforekomst mellem stammerne. Disse traktatsteder gav mulighed for venskabelig og fredelig udveksling af ideer og sammenblanding af forskellige stammer.		69:4.6 (775.6) Modern writing originated in the early trade records; the first literature of man was a trade-promotion document, a salt advertisement. Many of the earlier wars were fought over natural deposits, such as flint, salt, and metals. The first formal tribal treaty concerned the intertribalizing of a salt deposit. These treaty spots afforded opportunity for friendly and peaceful interchange of ideas and the intermingling of various tribes.
69:4.7 (775.7) Skriften udviklede sig gennem stadierne med “budskabspinden,” knyttede snore, billedskrift, hieroglyffer og wampum-bælter til de tidlige symbolske alfabeter. Afsendelse af beskeder udviklede sig fra det primitive røgsignal op gennem løbere, dyreryttere, jernbaner og flyvemaskiner samt telegraf, telefon og trådløs kommunikation.		69:4.7 (775.7) Writing progressed up through the stages of the “message stick,” knotted cords, picture writing, hieroglyphics, and wampum belts, to the early symbolic alphabets. Message sending evolved from the primitive smoke signal up through runners, animal riders, railroads, and airplanes, as well as telegraph, telephone, and wireless communication.
69:4.8 (775.8) Nye ideer og bedre metoder blev bragt rundt i den beboede verden af de gamle handelsmænd. Handel, forbundet med eventyr, førte til udforskning og opdagelse. Og alt dette skabte transport. Handel har været den store civilisator ved at fremme krydsbefrugtning af kultur.		69:4.8 (775.8) New ideas and better methods were carried around the inhabited world by the ancient traders. Commerce, linked with adventure, led to exploration and discovery. And all of these gave birth to transportation. Commerce has been the great civilizer through promoting the cross-fertilization of culture.
5. Kapitalens Begyndelse ^top		5. The Beginnings of Capital ^top
69:5.1 (775.9) Kapital er arbejdskraft anvendt som et afkald på nutiden til fordel for fremtiden. Opsparing repræsenterer en form for vedligeholdelse og overlevelsesforsikring. Hamstring af mad udviklede selvkontrol og skabte de første problemer med kapital og arbejde. Den mand, der havde mad, forudsat at han kunne beskytte den mod røvere, havde en klar fordel i forhold til den mand, der ikke havde mad.		69:5.1 (775.9) Capital is labor applied as a renunciation of the present in favor of the future. Savings represent a form of maintenance and survival insurance. Food hoarding developed self-control and created the first problems of capital and labor. The man who had food, provided he could protect it from robbers, had a distinct advantage over the man who had no food.
69:5.2 (775.10) Den tidlige bankmand var stammens tapre mand. Han opbevarede gruppens skatte i depot, mens hele klanen forsvarede hans hytte i tilfælde af angreb. Således førte akkumuleringen af individuel kapital og gruppeformue straks til militær organisering. I starten var sådanne forholdsregler beregnet til at forsvare ejendom mod udenlandske røvere, men senere blev det skik at holde den militære organisation i praksis ved at indlede angreb på nabostammernes ejendom og rigdom.		69:5.2 (775.10) The early banker was the valorous man of the tribe. He held the group treasures on deposit, while the entire clan would defend his hut in event of attack. Thus the accumulation of individual capital and group wealth immediately led to military organization. At first such precautions were designed to defend property against foreign raiders, but later on it became the custom to keep the military organization in practice by inaugurating raids on the property and wealth of neighboring tribes.
69:5.3 (776.1) De grundlæggende behov, der førte til akkumulering af kapital var:		69:5.3 (776.1) The basic urges which led to the accumulation of capital were:
69:5.4 (776.2) 1. Sult—forbundet med fremsynethed. Opbevaring og konservering af mad betød magt og komfort for dem, der havde tilstrækkeligforudseenhed til at sørge for fremtidige behov. Opbevaring af mad var en tilstrækkelig forsikring mod hungersnød og katastrofer. Og alle de primitive skikke var i virkeligheden designet til at hjælpe mennesket med at underordne nutiden under fremtiden.		69:5.4 (776.2) 1. Hunger—associated with foresight. Food saving and preservation meant power and comfort for those who possessed sufficient foresight thus to provide for future needs. Food storage was adequate insurance against famine and disaster. And the entire body of primitive mores was really designed to help man subordinate the present to the future.
69:5.5 (776.3) 2. Kærlighed til familien—ønske om at dække deres behov. Kapital repræsenterer opsparing af ejendom på trods af presset fra nutidens behov for at forsikre sig mod fremtidens krav. En del af dette fremtidige behov kan have at gøre med ens efterkommere.		69:5.5 (776.3) 2. Love of family—desire to provide for their wants. Capital represents the saving of property in spite of the pressure of the wants of today in order to insure against the demands of the future. A part of this future need may have to do with one’s posterity.
69:5.6 (776.4) 3. Forfængelighed—længsel efter at vise sine ophobede ejendele. Ekstra tøj var et af de første tegn på udmærkelse. Forfængelighed ved at samle appellerede tidligt til menneskets stolthed.		69:5.6 (776.4) 3. Vanity—longing to display one’s property accumulations. Extra clothing was one of the first badges of distinction. Collection vanity early appealed to the pride of man.
69:5.7 (776.5) 4. Position—iver efter at købe sig til social og politisk prestige. Der opstod tidligt en kommercialiseret aristokrati, hvis optagelse afhang af udførelsen af en særlig tjeneste for de adelige eller blev givet mod betaling af penge		69:5.7 (776.5) 4. Position—eagerness to buy social and political prestige. There early sprang up a commercialized nobility, admission to which depended on the performance of some special service to royalty or was granted frankly for the payment of money.
69:5.8 (776.6) 5. Magt—trangen til at være herre. Udlån af penge blev udført som et middel til slaveri, hvor hundrede procent om året var lånerenten i disse gamle tider. Pengeudlånerne gjorde sig selv til konger ved at skabe en stående hær af skyldnere. Tjenere var en af de tidligste former for ejendom, der blev akkumuleret, og i gamle dage strakte gældsslaveriet sig endda til kontrollen over kroppen efter døden.		69:5.8 (776.6) 5. Power—the craving to be master. Treasure lending was carried on as a means of enslavement, one hundred per cent a year being the loan rate of these ancient times. The moneylenders made themselves kings by creating a standing army of debtors. Bond servants were among the earliest form of property to be accumulated, and in olden days debt slavery extended even to the control of the body after death.
69:5.9 (776.7) 6. Frygten for de dødes ånder—beskyttelseshonorar til præsterne. Folk begyndte tidligt at give dødsgaver til præsterne med henblik på at få deres ejendom brugt til at lette deres fremgang gennem det næste liv. På den måde blev præsteskaberne meget rige; de var de vigtigste af oldtidens kapitalister.		69:5.9 (776.7) 6. Fear of the ghosts of the dead—priest fees for protection. Men early began to give death presents to the priests with a view to having their property used to facilitate their progress through the next life. The priesthoods thus became very rich; they were chief among ancient capitalists.
69:5.10 (776.8) 7. Sexualdrift—ønsket om at købe en eller flere koner. Menneskets første form for handel var udveksling af kvinder; det gik længe forud for hestehandel. Men handelen med sexslaver har aldrig fremmet samfundet; en sådan handel var og er en racemæssig skændsel, for på én og samme tid hindrede den udviklingen af familielivet og forurenede de højerestående folkeslags biologiske egnethed.		69:5.10 (776.8) 7. Sex urge—the desire to buy one or more wives. Man’s first form of trading was woman exchange; it long preceded horse trading. But never did the barter in sex slaves advance society; such traffic was and is a racial disgrace, for at one and the same time it hindered the development of family life and polluted the biologic fitness of superior peoples.
69:5.11 (776.9) 8. Talrige former for selvtilfredsstillelse. Nogle søgte rigdom, fordi det gav magt; andre knoklede for ejendom, fordi det betød lethed. Det tidlige menneske (og nogle af de senere) havde en tendens til at ødsle sine ressourcer væk på luksus. Rusmidler og stoffer fascinerede de primitive racer.		69:5.11 (776.9) 8. Numerous forms of self-gratification. Some sought wealth because it conferred power; others toiled for property because it meant ease. Early man (and some later-day ones) tended to squander his resources on luxury. Intoxicants and drugs intrigued the primitive races.
69:5.12 (776.10) Efterhånden som civilisationen udviklede sig, fik mennesker nye incitamenter til at spare op; nye behov blev hurtigt føjet til den oprindelige sult efter mad. Fattigdom blev så forhadt, at kun de rige formodedes at komme direkte i himlen, når de døde. Ejendom blev så højt værdsat, at det at give en pretentiøs fest ville fjerne vanære fra ens navn.		69:5.12 (776.10) As civilization developed, men acquired new incentives for saving; new wants were rapidly added to the original food hunger. Poverty became so abhorred that only the rich were supposed to go direct to heaven when they died. Property became so highly valued that to give a pretentious feast would wipe a dishonor from one’s name.
69:5.13 (777.1) Ophobning af rigdom blev tidligt et tegn på social udmærkelse. Individer i visse stammer akkumulerede ejendom i årevis bare for at skabe et indtryk ved at brænde det af på en eller anden helligdag eller ved frit at uddele det til stammefæller. Det gjorde dem til store mænd. Selv moderne mennesker svælger i den overdådige uddeling af julegaver, mens rige mænd stifter store institutioner for filantropi og læring. Menneskets teknik varierer, men dets sindelag forbliver helt uændret.		69:5.13 (777.1) Accumulations of wealth early became the badge of social distinction. Individuals in certain tribes would accumulate property for years just to create an impression by burning it up on some holiday or by freely distributing it to fellow tribesmen. This made them great men. Even modern peoples revel in the lavish distribution of Christmas gifts, while rich men endow great institutions of philanthropy and learning. Man’s technique varies, but his disposition remains quite unchanged.
69:5.14 (777.2) Men det er kun rimeligt at sige, at mange af oldtidens rige mænd delte ud af deres formue af frygt for at blive dræbt af dem, der begærede deres skatte. Rige mænd ofrede ofte masser af slaver for at vise deres foragt for rigdom.		69:5.14 (777.2) But it is only fair to record that many an ancient rich man distributed much of his fortune because of the fear of being killed by those who coveted his treasures. Wealthy men commonly sacrificed scores of slaves to show disdain for wealth.
69:5.15 (777.3) Selvom kapitalen har haft en tendens til at frigøre mennesket, har den i høj grad kompliceret dets sociale og industrielle organisation. Uretfærdige kapitalisters misbrug af kapital ødelægger ikke det faktum, at den er grundlaget for det moderne industrisamfund. Gennem kapital og opfindelser nyder den nuværende generation en højere grad af frihed end nogen, der nogensinde er gået forud for den på jorden. Dette er en kendsgerning og ikke en retfærdiggørelse af tankeløse og egoistiske forvalteres mange misbrug af kapital.		69:5.15 (777.3) Though capital has tended to liberate man, it has greatly complicated his social and industrial organization. The abuse of capital by unfair capitalists does not destroy the fact that it is the basis of modern industrial society. Through capital and invention the present generation enjoys a higher degree of freedom than any that ever preceded it on earth. This is placed on record as a fact and not in justification of the many misuses of capital by thoughtless and selfish custodians.
6. Ild i forhold til civilisationen ^top		6. Fire in Relation to Civilization ^top
69:6.1 (777.4) Det primitive samfund med sine fire forretningsområder—den produktionsøkonomiske, den regulerende, den religiøse og den militære er opstået gennem medvirken af ild, dyr, slaver, og ejendom.		69:6.1 (777.4) Primitive society with its four divisions—industrial, regulative, religious, and military—rose through the instrumentality of fire, animals, slaves, and property.
69:6.2 (777.5) Udarbejdelsen af ild adskilte for altid mennesket fra dyrene; det er den grundlæggende menneskelige opfindelse eller opdagelse. Ild gjorde det muligt for mennesket at blive på jorden om natten, da alle dyr er bange for den. Ild opmuntrede til socialt samvær om aftenen; den beskyttede ikke kun mod kulde og vilde dyr, men blev også brugt som sikkerhed mod spøgelser. I begyndelsen blev den brugt mere til lys end til varme; mange tilbagestående stammer nægter at sove, medmindre en flamme brænder hele natten.		69:6.2 (777.5) Fire building, by a single bound, forever separated man from animal; it is the basic human invention, or discovery. Fire enabled man to stay on the ground at night as all animals are afraid of it. Fire encouraged eventide social intercourse; it not only protected against cold and wild beasts but was also employed as security against ghosts. It was at first used more for light than heat; many backward tribes refuse to sleep unless a flame burns all night.
69:6.3 (777.6) Ilden var en stor civilisere, der gav mennesket de første midler til at være uselvisk uden tab ved at gøre det muligt at give levende kul til en nabo uden at berøve sig selv noget. Ilden i hjemmet, som blev passet af moderen eller den ældste datter, var den første opdrager, som krævede årvågenhed og pålidelighed. Det tidlige hjem var ikke en bygning, men familien samlet omkring ilden, familiens ildsted. Når en søn grundlagde et nyt hjem, bar han en fakkel fra familiens ildsted.		69:6.3 (777.6) Fire was a great civilizer, providing man with his first means of being altruistic without loss by enabling him to give live coals to a neighbor without depriving himself. The household fire, which was attended by the mother or eldest daughter, was the first educator, requiring watchfulness and dependability. The early home was not a building but the family gathered about the fire, the family hearth. When a son founded a new home, he carried a firebrand from the family hearth.
69:6.4 (777.7) Selvom Andon, der opdagede ilden, undgik at behandle den som en genstand for tilbedelse, betragtede mange af hans efterkommere flammen som en fetich eller en ånd. De kunne ikke høste de sanitære fordele ved ilden, fordi de ikke ville brænde affald. Det primitive menneske frygtede ilden og forsøgte altid at holde den i godt humør, derfor dryssede man røgelse over den. De gamle ville under ingen omstændigheder spytte i ilden, og de ville heller aldrig gå mellem nogen og en brændende ild. Selv de jernpyritter og flintesten, der blev brugt til at tænde ild med, var hellige for den tidlige menneskehed.		69:6.4 (777.7) Though Andon, the discoverer of fire, avoided treating it as an object of worship, many of his descendants regarded the flame as a fetish or as a spirit. They failed to reap the sanitary benefits of fire because they would not burn refuse. Primitive man feared fire and always sought to keep it in good humor, hence the sprinkling of incense. Under no circumstances would the ancients spit in a fire, nor would they ever pass between anyone and a burning fire. Even the iron pyrites and flints used in striking fire were held sacred by early mankind.
69:6.5 (777.8) Det var en synd at slukke en flamme; hvis der gik ild i en hytte, fik den lov til at brænde. Ilden i templerne og helligdommene var hellig og måtte aldrig slukkes, bortset fra at det var skik at tænde nye flammer hvert år eller efter en ulykke. Kvinder blev valgt som præster, fordi de var vogtere af hjemmets ild.		69:6.5 (777.8) It was a sin to extinguish a flame; if a hut caught fire, it was allowed to burn. The fires of the temples and shrines were sacred and were never permitted to go out except that it was the custom to kindle new flames annually or after some calamity. Women were selected as priests because they were custodians of the home fires.
69:6.6 (778.1) De tidlige myter om, hvordan ilden kom ned fra guderne, voksede ud af observationer af ild forårsaget af lyn. Disse ideer om overnaturlig oprindelse førte direkte til ilddyrkelse, og ilddyrkelse førte til skikken med at “gå gennem ild,” en praksis, der blev videreført helt op til Moses’ tid. Og ideen om at gå gennem ilden efter døden eksisterer stadig. Ildmyten var et stærkt bånd i de tidlige tider og eksisterer stadig i parsernes symbolik.		69:6.6 (778.1) The early myths about how fire came down from the gods grew out of the observations of fire caused by lightning. These ideas of supernatural origin led directly to fire worship, and fire worship led to the custom of “passing through fire,” a practice carried on up to the times of Moses. And there still persists the idea of passing through fire after death. The fire myth was a great bond in early times and still persists in the symbolism of the Parsees.
69:6.7 (778.2) Ild førte til madlavning, og “råspisere” blev et hånligt udtryk. Og madlavning mindskede forbruget af vital energi, der var nødvendig for at fordøje maden, og gav dermed det tidlige menneske kræfter til social kultur, mens dyrehold, ved at reducere den indsats, der var nødvendig for at skaffe mad, gav tid til sociale aktiviteter.		69:6.7 (778.2) Fire led to cooking, and “raw eaters” became a term of derision. And cooking lessened the expenditure of vital energy necessary for the digestion of food and so left early man some strength for social culture, while animal husbandry, by reducing the effort necessary to secure food, provided time for social activities.
69:6.8 (778.3) Man skal huske på, at ilden åbnede dørene for metalarbejde og førte til den efterfølgende opdagelse af dampkraft og nutidens brug af elektricitet.		69:6.8 (778.3) It should be remembered that fire opened the doors to metalwork and led to the subsequent discovery of steam power and the present-day uses of electricity.
7. Udnyttelse af dyr ^top		7. The Utilization of Animals ^top
69:7.1 (778.4) Til at begynde med var hele dyreverdenen menneskets fjende, og mennesket måtte lære at beskytte sig mod dyrene. Først spiste mennesket dyrene, men senere lærte det at tæmme dem og få dem til at tjene sig.		69:7.1 (778.4) To start with, the entire animal world was man’s enemy; human beings had to learn to protect themselves from the beasts. First, man ate the animals but later learned to domesticate and make them serve him.
69:7.2 (778.5) Tæmningen af dyr skete ved et tilfælde. De vilde jagede flokke på samme måde, som de amerikanske indianere jagede bisonokser. Ved at omringe flokken kunne de holde styr på dyrene og dermed dræbe dem, når de skulle bruges til mad. Senere blev der bygget indhegninger, og hele flokke blev indfanget.		69:7.2 (778.5) The domestication of animals came about accidentally. The savage would hunt herds much as the American Indians hunted the bison. By surrounding the herd they could keep control of the animals, thus being able to kill them as they were required for food. Later, corrals were constructed, and entire herds would be captured.
69:7.3 (778.6) Det var let at tæmme nogle dyr, men ligesom elefanten ville mange af dem ikke formere sig i fangenskab. Senere opdagede man, at visse dyrearter ville underkaste sig menneskets tilstedeværelse, og at de ville formere sig i fangenskab. Tæmningen af dyr blev således fremmet af selektiv avl, en kunst, der har gjort store fremskridt siden Dalamatias dage.		69:7.3 (778.6) It was easy to tame some animals, but like the elephant, many of them would not reproduce in captivity. Still further on it was discovered that certain species of animals would submit to man’s presence, and that they would reproduce in captivity. The domestication of animals was thus promoted by selective breeding, an art which has made great progress since the days of Dalamatia.
69:7.4 (778.7) Hunden var det første dyr, der blev tæmmet, og den vanskelige oplevelse med at tæmme den begyndte, da en bestemt hund, efter at have fulgt en jæger rundt hele dagen, faktisk gik med ham hjem. I mange år blev hunde brugt til mad, jagt, transport og selskab. I starten hylede hunde kun, men senere lærte de at gø. Hundens gode lugtesans førte til forestillingen om, at den kunne se ånder, og dermed opstod de hunde-fetichistiske kulter. Ansættelsen af vagthunde gjorde det først muligt for hele klanen at sove om natten. Derefter blev det skik at ansætte vagthunde til at beskytte hjemmet mod ånder såvel som materielle fjender. Når hunden gøede, nærmede mennesket eller dyret sig, men når hunden hylede, var ånderne i nærheden. Selv i dag tror mange stadig, at en hunds hylen om natten er et tegn på død.		69:7.4 (778.7) The dog was the first animal to be domesticated, and the difficult experience of taming it began when a certain dog, after following a hunter around all day, actually went home with him. For ages dogs were used for food, hunting, transportation, and companionship. At first dogs only howled, but later on they learned to bark. The dog’s keen sense of smell led to the notion it could see spirits, and thus arose the dog-fetish cults. The employment of watchdogs made it first possible for the whole clan to sleep at night. It then became the custom to employ watchdogs to protect the home against spirits as well as material enemies. When the dog barked, man or beast approached, but when the dog howled, spirits were near. Even now many still believe that a dog’s howling at night betokens death.
69:7.5 (778.8) Da mennesket var jæger, var det ret venligt over for kvinden, men efter at dyrene blev gjort tamme, og Caligastia-forvirringen opstod, behandlede mange stammer deres kvinder skammeligt. De behandlede dem alt for meget, som de behandlede deres dyr. Menneskets brutale behandling af kvinden udgør et af de mørkeste kapitler i menneskets historie.		69:7.5 (778.8) When man was a hunter, he was fairly kind to woman, but after the domestication of animals, coupled with the Caligastia confusion, many tribes shamefully treated their women. They treated them altogether too much as they treated their animals. Man’s brutal treatment of woman constitutes one of the darkest chapters of human history.
8. Slaveriet som en faktor i civilisationen ^top		8. Slavery as a Factor in Civilization ^top
69:8.1 (778.9) Det primitive menneske tøvede aldrig med at gøre sine medmennesker til slaver. Kvinden var den første slave, en familieslave. Hyrde tidens mænd slavebandt kvinden som sin underlegne sexpartner. Denne form for sexslaveri voksede direkte ud af mandens reducerede afhængighed af kvinden.		69:8.1 (778.9) Primitive man never hesitated to enslave his fellows. Woman was the first slave, a family slave. Pastoral man enslaved woman as his inferior sex partner. This sort of sex slavery grew directly out of man’s decreased dependence upon woman.
69:8.2 (779.1) For ikke så længe siden var slaveri skæbnen for de krigsfanger, der nægtede at acceptere erobrerens religion. I tidligere tider blev fangerne enten spist, tortureret til døde, sat til at bekæmpe hinanden, ofret til ånder eller gjort til slaver. Slaveri var et stort fremskridt i forhold til massakre og kannibalisme.		69:8.2 (779.1) Not long ago enslavement was the lot of those military captives who refused to accept the conqueror’s religion. In earlier times captives were either eaten, tortured to death, set to fighting each other, sacrificed to spirits, or enslaved. Slavery was a great advancement over massacre and cannibalism.
69:8.3 (779.2) Slaveriet var et skridt fremad i den barmhjertige behandling af krigsfanger. Bagholdsangrebet på Ai med den omfattende nedslagtning af mænd, kvinder og børn, hvor kun kongen blev reddet for at tilfredsstille erobrerens forfængelighed, er et troværdigt billede af den barbariske nedslagtning, som selv angiveligt civiliserede folkeslag praktiserede. Angrebet på Og, kongen af Bashan, var lige så brutalt og effektivt. Hebræerne “ødelagde” deres fjender fuldstændigt og tog al deres ejendom som bytte. De satte alle byer under afgift under straf af “ødelæggelse af alle mænd”. Men mange af de samtidige stammer, dem med mindre stammeegoisme, var for længst begyndt at adoptere overlegne fanger.		69:8.3 (779.2) Enslavement was a forward step in the merciful treatment of war captives. The ambush of Ai, with the wholesale slaughter of men, women, and children, only the king being saved to gratify the conqueror’s vanity, is a faithful picture of the barbaric slaughter practiced by even supposedly civilized peoples. The raid upon Og, the king of Bashan, was equally brutal and effective. The Hebrews “utterly destroyed” their enemies, taking all their property as spoils. They put all cities under tribute on pain of the “destruction of all males.” But many of the contemporary tribes, those having less tribal egotism, had long since begun to practice the adoption of superior captives.
69:8.4 (779.3) Jægeren, ligesom det røde menneske i Amerika, tog ikke folk til slaver. Han adopterede eller dræbte sine fanger. Slaveri var ikke udbredt blandt hyrdefolket, for de havde kun brug for få arbejdere. I krig havde hyrderne for vane at dræbe alle tilfangetagne mænd og kun tage kvinder og børn som slaver. Moseloven indeholdt specifikke anvisninger på, hvordan man kunne gøre disse kvinder til hustruer i fangenskab. Hvis de ikke var tilfredsstillende, kunne de sendes væk, men hebræerne havde ikke lov til at sælge sådanne afviste ægtefæller som slaver—det var i det mindste et fremskridt i civilisationen. Selvom hebræernes sociale standarder var primitive, lå de langt over de omkringliggende stammers.		69:8.4 (779.3) The hunter, like the American red man, did not enslave. He either adopted or killed his captives. Slavery was not prevalent among the pastoral peoples, for they needed few laborers. In war the herders made a practice of killing all men captives and taking as slaves only the women and children. The Mosaic code contained specific directions for making wives of these women captives. If not satisfactory, they could be sent away, but the Hebrews were not allowed to sell such rejected consorts as slaves—that was at least one advance in civilization. Though the social standards of the Hebrews were crude, they were far above those of the surrounding tribes.
69:8.5 (779.4) Hyrderne var de første kapitalister; deres flokke repræsenterede kapital, og de levede af renterne—den naturlige forøgelse. Og de var ikke tilbøjelige til at overlade denne rigdom til hverken slaver eller kvinder. Men senere tog de mandlige fanger og tvang dem til at dyrke jorden. Dette er den tidlige oprindelse til livegenskab—en mand, der er knyttet til jorden. Det var nemt at lære afrikanerne at dyrke jorden, og derfor blev de den store slaverace.		69:8.5 (779.4) The herders were the first capitalists; their herds represented capital, and they lived on the interest—the natural increase. And they were disinclined to trust this wealth to the keeping of either slaves or women. But later on they took male prisoners and forced them to cultivate the soil. This is the early origin of serfdom—man attached to the land. The Africans could easily be taught to till the soil; hence they became the great slave race.
69:8.6 (779.5) Slaveri var et uundværligt led i den menneskelige civilisations kæde. Det var den bro, som samfundet gik over fra kaos og dovenskab til orden og civiliserede aktiviteter; det tvang tilbagestående og dovne folk til at arbejde og dermed skaffe rigdom og fritid til deres overordnedes sociale fremgang.		69:8.6 (779.5) Slavery was an indispensable link in the chain of human civilization. It was the bridge over which society passed from chaos and indolence to order and civilized activities; it compelled backward and lazy peoples to work and thus provide wealth and leisure for the social advancement of their superiors.
69:8.7 (779.6) Slaveriet tvang mennesket til at opfinde det primitive samfunds regulerende mekanisme; det gav ophav til begyndelsen af regeringen. Slaveri kræver stærk regulering, og i løbet af den europæiske middelalder forsvandt det stort set, fordi feudalherrerne ikke kunne kontrollere slaverne. De tilbagestående stammer i oldtiden, ligesom de indfødte australiere i dag, havde aldrig slaver.		69:8.7 (779.6) The institution of slavery compelled man to invent the regulative mechanism of primitive society; it gave origin to the beginnings of government. Slavery demands strong regulation and during the European Middle Ages virtually disappeared because the feudal lords could not control the slaves. The backward tribes of ancient times, like the native Australians of today, never had slaves.
69:8.8 (779.7) Det er sandt, at slaveriet var undertrykkende, men det var i undertrykkelsens skoler, at mennesket lærte industri. Til sidst fik slaverne del i velsignelserne fra et højere samfund, som de så ufrivilligt havde været med til at skabe. Slaveri skaber en organisation af kultur og social præstation, men angriber snart snigende samfundet indefra som den alvorligste af alle destruktive sociale sygdomme.		69:8.8 (779.7) True, slavery was oppressive, but it was in the schools of oppression that man learned industry. Eventually the slaves shared the blessings of a higher society which they had so unwillingly helped create. Slavery creates an organization of culture and social achievement but soon insidiously attacks society internally as the gravest of all destructive social maladies.
69:8.9 (779.8) Moderne mekaniske opfindelser gjorde slaven forældet. Slaveri, ligesom polygami, er ved at forsvinde, fordi det ikke kan betale sig. Men det har altid vist sig at være katastrofalt pludselig at frigøre et stort antal slaver; der opstår færre problemer, når de frigøres gradvist.		69:8.9 (779.8) Modern mechanical invention rendered the slave obsolete. Slavery, like polygamy, is passing because it does not pay. But it has always proved disastrous suddenly to liberate great numbers of slaves; less trouble ensues when they are gradually emancipated.
69:8.10 (780.1) I dag er mennesker ikke sociale slaver, men tusinder lader ambitioner gøre dem til gældsslaver. Ufrivilligt slaveri er blevet afløst af en ny og forbedret form for modificeret industriel trældom.		69:8.10 (780.1) Today, men are not social slaves, but thousands allow ambition to enslave them to debt. Involuntary slavery has given way to a new and improved form of modified industrial servitude.
69:8.11 (780.2) Selvom idealet for samfundet er universel frihed, bør lediggang aldrig tolereres. Alle arbejdsdygtige personer bør tvinges til at udføre i det mindste en selvforsynende mængde arbejde.		69:8.11 (780.2) While the ideal of society is universal freedom, idleness should never be tolerated. All able-bodied persons should be compelled to do at least a self-sustaining amount of work.
69:8.12 (780.3) Det moderne samfund er i tilbagegang. Slaveriet er næsten forsvundet, og de tamdyrernes tid er snart forbi. Civilisationen rækker tilbage til ilden—den uorganiske verden—for at få magt. Mennesket kom op fra vildskaben via ild, dyr og slaveri; i dag rækker det tilbage og kasserer slavernes hjælp og dyrenes assistance, mens det søger at tilrive sig nye hemmeligheder og kilder til rigdom og magt fra naturelementernes forrådskammer.		69:8.12 (780.3) Modern society is in reverse. Slavery has nearly disappeared; domesticated animals are passing. Civilization is reaching back to fire—the inorganic world—for power. Man came up from savagery by way of fire, animals, and slavery; today he reaches back, discarding the help of slaves and the assistance of animals, while he seeks to wrest new secrets and sources of wealth and power from the elemental storehouse of nature.
9. Privat egendom ^top		9. Private Property ^top
69:9.1 (780.4) Selv om det primitive samfund stort set var et fællesskab, fulgte det primitive menneske ikke de moderne doktriner om kommunisme. Kommunismen i disse tidlige tider var ikke blot en teori eller en social doktrin; det var en enkel og praktisk automatisk tilpasning. Kommunismen forhindrede fattigdom og nød; tiggeri og prostitution var næsten ukendt blandt disse gamle stammer.		69:9.1 (780.4) While primitive society was virtually communal, primitive man did not adhere to the modern doctrines of communism. The communism of these early times was not a mere theory or social doctrine; it was a simple and practical automatic adjustment. Communism prevented pauperism and want; begging and prostitution were almost unknown among these ancient tribes.
69:9.2 (780.5) Den primitive kommunisme gjorde ikke mennesker særligt ensrettede, og den ophøjede heller ikke middelmådighed, men den satte en pris på inaktivitet og lediggang, og den kvalte industri og ødelagde ambitioner. Kommunismen var et uundværligt stillads i det primitive samfunds vækst, men den måtte vige pladsen for udviklingen af en højere social orden, fordi den stred mod fire stærke menneskelige tilbøjeligheder:		69:9.2 (780.5) Primitive communism did not especially level men down, nor did it exalt mediocrity, but it did put a premium on inactivity and idleness, and it did stifle industry and destroy ambition. Communism was indispensable scaffolding in the growth of primitive society, but it gave way to the evolution of a higher social order because it ran counter to four strong human proclivities:
69:9.3 (780.6) 1. Familien. Mennesket higer ikke kun efter at akkumulere ejendom; det ønsker at testamentere sine kapitalgoder til sit afkom. Men i det tidlige samfund blev en mands kapital enten forbrugt med det samme eller fordelt blandt gruppen ved hans død. Der var ingen arv af ejendom—arveafgiften var hundrede procent. De senere kapitalakkumulerings- og ejendomsarvsmønstre var et tydeligt socialt fremskridt. Og det er sandt på trods af det efterfølgende grove misbrug, der fulgte med misbruget af kapital.		69:9.3 (780.6) 1. The family. Man not only craves to accumulate property; he desires to bequeath his capital goods to his progeny. But in early communal society a man’s capital was either immediately consumed or distributed among the group at his death. There was no inheritance of property—the inheritance tax was one hundred per cent. The later capital-accumulation and property-inheritance mores were a distinct social advance. And this is true notwithstanding the subsequent gross abuses attendant upon the misuse of capital.
69:9.4 (780.7) 2. Religiøse tendenser. Det primitive menneske ønskede også at gemme ejendom som en kerne til at starte livet i den næste eksistens. Dette motiv forklarer, hvorfor det så længe var skik at begrave en mands personlige ejendele sammen med ham. De gamle troede, at kun de rige overlevede døden med umiddelbar glæde og værdighed. Lærerne i den åbenbarede religion, især de kristne lærere, var de første til at proklamere, at de fattige kunne få frelse på lige fod med de rige.		69:9.4 (780.7) 2. Religious tendencies. Primitive man also wanted to save up property as a nucleus for starting life in the next existence. This motive explains why it was so long the custom to bury a man’s personal belongings with him. The ancients believed that only the rich survived death with any immediate pleasure and dignity. The teachers of revealed religion, more especially the Christian teachers, were the first to proclaim that the poor could have salvation on equal terms with the rich.
69:9.5 (780.8) 3. Ønsket om frihed og fritid. I de tidligere dage af den sociale udvikling var fordelingen af den enkeltes indtjening blandt gruppen praktisk talt en form for slaveri; arbejderen blev gjort til slave af den, der gik ledig. Dette var kommunismens selvmorderiske svaghed: De uøkonomiske levede sædvanligvis af de sparsommelige. Selv i moderne tid er de uduelige afhængige af, at staten (sparsommelige skatteydere) tager sig af dem. De, der ikke har nogen kapital, forventer stadig, at de, der har, brødføder dem.		69:9.5 (780.8) 3. The desire for liberty and leisure. In the earlier days of social evolution the apportionment of individual earnings among the group was virtually a form of slavery; the worker was made slave to the idler. This was the suicidal weakness of communism: The improvident habitually lived off the thrifty. Even in modern times the improvident depend on the state (thrifty taxpayers) to take care of them. Those who have no capital still expect those who have to feed them.
69:9.6 (780.9) 4. Trangen til sikkerhed og magt. Kommunismen blev til sidst ødelagt af progressive og succesfulde individers bedrageriske praksis, som tyede til forskellige kneb i et forsøg på at undslippe slaveriet under deres stammers uduelige dagdrivere. Men i begyndelsen var al hamstring hemmelig; primitiv usikkerhed forhindrede den ydre akkumulering af kapital. Og selv på et senere tidspunkt var det meget farligt at samle for meget rigdom; kongen ville helt sikkert finde på en eller anden anklage for at konfiskere en rig mands ejendom, og når en rig mand døde, blev begravelsen udsat, indtil familien donerede en stor sum til offentlig velfærd eller til kongen, en arveafgift.		69:9.6 (780.9) 4. The urge for security and power. Communism was finally destroyed by the deceptive practices of progressive and successful individuals who resorted to diverse subterfuges in an effort to escape enslavement to the shiftless idlers of their tribes. But at first all hoarding was secret; primitive insecurity prevented the outward accumulation of capital. And even at a later time it was most dangerous to amass too much wealth; the king would be sure to trump up some charge for confiscating a rich man’s property, and when a wealthy man died, the funeral was held up until the family donated a large sum to public welfare or to the king, an inheritance tax.
69:9.7 (781.1) I de tidligste tider var kvinderne samfundets ejendom, og moderen dominerede familien. De tidlige høvdinge ejede hele landet og var indehavere af alle kvinder; ægteskab krævede samtykke fra stammehøvdingen. Da kommunismen forsvandt, blev kvinderne privat ejendom, og faderen overtog til sidst kontrollen med hjemmet. Hjemmet fik således sin begyndelse, og de herskende polygame skikke blev gradvist fortrængt af monogami. (Polygami er overlevelsen af kvindeslaveriets element i ægteskabet. Monogami er det slavefrie ideal om den uforlignelige sammenslutning af en mand og en kvinde i den ædle opgave at danne et hjem, opdrætte afkom, skabe fælles kultur og udvikle sig selv.)		69:9.7 (781.1) In earliest times women were the property of the community, and the mother dominated the family. The early chiefs owned all the land and were proprietors of all the women; marriage required the consent of the tribal ruler. With the passing of communism, women were held individually, and the father gradually assumed domestic control. Thus the home had its beginning, and the prevailing polygamous customs were gradually displaced by monogamy. (Polygamy is the survival of the female-slavery element in marriage. Monogamy is the slave-free ideal of the matchless association of one man and one woman in the exquisite enterprise of home building, offspring rearing, mutual culture, and self-improvement.)
69:9.8 (781.2) I begyndelsen var al ejendom, inklusive værktøj og våben, stammens fælles eje. Privat ejendom bestod først af alle de ting, man personligt rørte ved. Hvis en fremmed drak af et bæger, var bægeret fra nu af hans. Dernæst blev ethvert sted, hvor der blev udgydt blod, den sårede persons eller gruppes ejendom.		69:9.8 (781.2) At first, all property, including tools and weapons, was the common possession of the tribe. Private property first consisted of all things personally touched. If a stranger drank from a cup, the cup was henceforth his. Next, any place where blood was shed became the property of the injured person or group.
69:9.9 (781.3) Privat ejendom blev således oprindeligt respekteret, fordi den blev anset for at være ladet med en del af ejerens personlighed. Ærlighed om ejendom hvilede trygt på denne type overtro; der var ikke brug for politi til at beskytte personlige ejendele. Der blev ikke stjålet inden for gruppen, selvom mænd ikke tøvede med at tilegne sig andre stammers ejendele. Ejendomsforhold sluttede ikke med døden; tidligt blev personlige ejendele brændt, derefter begravet med de døde, og senere arvet af den overlevende familie eller af stammen.		69:9.9 (781.3) Private property was thus originally respected because it was supposed to be charged with some part of the owner’s personality. Property honesty rested safely on this type of superstition; no police were needed to guard personal belongings. There was no stealing within the group, though men did not hesitate to appropriate the goods of other tribes. Property relations did not end with death; early, personal effects were burned, then buried with the dead, and later, inherited by the surviving family or by the tribe.
69:9.10 (781.4) Smykketyper af personlige effekter stammer fra brugen af amuletter. Forfængelighed plus spøgelsesfrygt fik det tidlige menneske til at modstå alle forsøg på at fratage sig sine yndlingsamuletter, da sådanne ejendele blev værdsat højere end fornødenheder.		69:9.10 (781.4) The ornamental type of personal effects originated in the wearing of charms. Vanity plus ghost fear led early man to resist all attempts to relieve him of his favorite charms, such property being valued above necessities.
69:9.11 (781.5) Soveplads var en af menneskets tidligste ejendom. Senere blev hjemsteder tildelt af stammehøvdingene, som havde al fast ejendom i tillid til gruppen. I dag giver et ildsted ejerskab, og endnu senere gav en brønd ret til det tilstødende land. Vandhuller og brønde var blandt de første private ejendele.		69:9.11 (781.5) Sleeping space was one of man’s earliest properties. Later, homesites were assigned by the tribal chiefs, who held all real estate in trust for the group. Presently a fire site conferred ownership; and still later, a well constituted title to the adjacent land.
69:9.12 (781.6) Vandhuller og brønde var blandt de første private ejendele. Hele fetichpraksissen blev brugt til at beskytte vandhuller, brønde, træer, afgrøder og honning. Efter tabet af troen på fetichen blev der udviklet love for at beskytte private ejendele. Men jagtlovene, retten til at jage, kom længe før jordlovene. Det røde menneske i Amerika forstod aldrig privat ejendomsret til jord; han kunne ikke forstå den hvide mands syn på tingene.		69:9.12 (781.6) Water holes and wells were among the first private possessions. The whole fetish practice was utilized to guard water holes, wells, trees, crops, and honey. Following the loss of faith in the fetish, laws were evolved to protect private belongings. But game laws, the right to hunt, long preceded land laws. The American red man never understood private ownership of land; he could not comprehend the white man’s view.
69:9.13 (781.7) Privat ejendom blev tidligt markeret med familieinsignier, og dette er den tidlige oprindelse til våbenskjolde. Fast ejendom kunne også sættes under åndernes opsyn. Præsterne “indviede” et stykke jord, og det hvilede derefter under beskyttelse af de magiske tabuer, der var rejst på det. Man sagde, at ejerne havde en “præstetitel”. Hebræerne havde stor respekt for disse familiemærker: “Forbandet være den, der fjerner sin nabos vartegn.” Disse stenmarkeringer bar præstens initialer. Selv træer blev privat ejendom, når de fik initialer.		69:9.13 (781.7) Private property was early marked by family insignia, and this is the early origin of family crests. Real estate could also be put under the watchcare of spirits. The priests would “consecrate” a piece of land, and it would then rest under the protection of the magic taboos erected thereon. Owners thereof were said to have a “priest’s title.” The Hebrews had great respect for these family landmarks: “Cursed be he who removes his neighbor’s landmark.” These stone markers bore the priest’s initials. Even trees, when initialed, became private property.
69:9.14 (782.1) I begyndelsen var det kun afgrøderne, der var private, men flere på hinanden følgende afgrøder gav ejendomsret; landbruget var således oprindelsen til det private ejerskab af jord. Individer fik først besiddelsesret til et liv; efter døden vendte jorden tilbage til stammen. De allerførste jordtitler, som stammerne gav til enkeltpersoner, var grave—familiens begravelsespladser. I senere tider tilhørte jorden dem, der indhegnede den. Men byerne reserverede altid visse landområder til offentlig græsning og til brug i tilfælde af belejring; “disse” fællesområder” repræsenterer overlevelsen af den tidligere form for kollektivt ejerskab.		69:9.14 (782.1) In early days only the crops were private, but successive crops conferred title; agriculture was thus the genesis of the private ownership of land. Individuals were first given only a life tenureship; at death land reverted to the tribe. The very first land titles granted by tribes to individuals were graves—family burying grounds. In later times land belonged to those who fenced it. But the cities always reserved certain lands for public pasturage and for use in case of siege; these “commons” represent the survival of the earlier form of collective ownership.
69:9.15 (782.2) Til sidst tildelte staten ejendom til den enkelte og forbeholdt sig retten til at beskatte. Efter at have sikret deres titler kunne udlejere opkræve leje, og jord blev en kilde til indkomst—kapital. Endelig blev jord virkelig omsættelig med salg, overførsler, pant og tvangsauktioner.		69:9.15 (782.2) Eventually the state assigned property to the individual, reserving the right of taxation. Having made secure their titles, landlords could collect rents, and land became a source of income—capital. Finally land became truly negotiable, with sales, transfers, mortgages, and foreclosures.
69:9.16 (782.3) Privat ejendomsret gav øget frihed og øget stabilitet; men privat ejendomsret til jord blev først socialt sanktioneret, efter at den kommunale kontrol og styring havde slået fejl, og det blev snart efterfulgt af en række slaver, trælle og jordløse klasser. Men forbedrede maskiner frigør gradvist mennesker fra slavelignende arbejde.		69:9.16 (782.3) Private ownership brought increased liberty and enhanced stability; but private ownership of land was given social sanction only after communal control and direction had failed, and it was soon followed by a succession of slaves, serfs, and landless classes. But improved machinery is gradually setting men free from slavish toil.
69:9.17 (782.4) Ejendomsretten er ikke absolut; den er rent social. Men al regering, lov, orden, borgerrettigheder, sociale friheder, konventioner, fred og lykke, som de nydes af moderne mennesker, er vokset op omkring den private ejendomsret.		69:9.17 (782.4) The right to property is not absolute; it is purely social. But all government, law, order, civil rights, social liberties, conventions, peace, and happiness, as they are enjoyed by modern peoples, have grown up around the private ownership of property.
69:9.18 (782.5) Den nuværende samfundsorden er ikke nødvendigvis rigtig—ikke guddommelig eller hellig—men menneskeheden vil gøre klogt i at gå langsomt frem med ændringer. Det, I har, er langt bedre end noget system, jeres forfædre kendte til. Sørg for, at når I ændrer den sociale orden, så ændrer I den til det bedre. Lad jer ikke overtale til at eksperimentere med jeres forfædres forkastede formler. Gå fremad, ikke baglæns! Lad evolutionen fortsætte! Tag ikke et skridt tilbage.		69:9.18 (782.5) The present social order is not necessarily right—not divine or sacred—but mankind will do well to move slowly in making changes. That which you have is vastly better than any system known to your ancestors. Make certain that when you change the social order you change for the better. Do not be persuaded to experiment with the discarded formulas of your forefathers. Go forward, not backward! Let evolution proceed! Do not take a backward step.
69:9.19 (782.6) [Præsenteret af en Melkisedek fra Nebadon.]		69:9.19 (782.6) [Presented by a Melchizedek of Nebadon.]