Kapitel 89		Paper 89
Synd, Offer Og Forsoning		Sin, Sacrifice, and Atonement
89:0.1 (974.1) DET PRIMITIVE menneske betragtede sig selv som værende i gæld til ånder, som at have et stående behov for forløsning. Som de vilde så det, kunne ånderne med rette have overøst dem med meget mere uheld. Som tiden gik, udviklede dette koncept sig til læren om synd og frelse. Sjælen blev betragtet som kommende ind i verden belagt med skyld—arvesynden. Sjælen skal løskøbes; en syndebuk skal fremskaffes. Hovedjægeren, var i stand til at give en erstatning for sit eget liv, en syndebuk, ud over kultdyrkelsen af hovedskalstilbedelse.		89:0.1 (974.1) PRIMITIVE man regarded himself as being in debt to the spirits, as standing in need of redemption. As the savages looked at it, in justice the spirits might have visited much more bad luck upon them. As time passed, this concept developed into the doctrine of sin and salvation. The soul was looked upon as coming into the world under forfeit—original sin. The soul must be ransomed; a scapegoat must be provided. The head-hunter, in addition to practicing the cult of skull worship, was able to provide a substitute for his own life, a scapeman.
89:0.2 (974.2) Den vilde blev tidligt besat med forestillingen om, at ånderne får deres højeste tilfredshed fra synet af menneskelig elendighed, lidelse og ydmygelse. Til en begyndelse var mennesket kun beskæftiget med synd som de selv havde gjort, men senere blev de bekymret over undladelsessynder. Hele det efterfølgende offersystem voksede op omkring disse to idéer. Dette nye ritual havde at gøre med overholdelse af en offerceremoni for at formilde ånderne. Det primitive menneske mente, at noget specielt skulle gøres for at vinde gudernes gunst; kun en avanceret civilisation indset, at der er en konsekvent ligevægtig og godgørende Gud. Forsoning var forsikring mod umiddelbart uheld frem for investering i fremtidens lyksalighed. Ritualerne af undgåelse, eksorcisme, tvang og forsoning fusionerede alle ind i hinanden.		89:0.2 (974.2) The savage was early possessed with the notion that spirits derive supreme satisfaction from the sight of human misery, suffering, and humiliation. At first, man was only concerned with sins of commission, but later he became exercised over sins of omission. And the whole subsequent sacrificial system grew up around these two ideas. This new ritual had to do with the observance of the propitiation ceremonies of sacrifice. Primitive man believed that something special must be done to win the favor of the gods; only advanced civilization recognizes a consistently even-tempered and benevolent God. Propitiation was insurance against immediate ill luck rather than investment in future bliss. And the rituals of avoidance, exorcism, coercion, and propitiation all merge into one another.
1. Tabuet ^top		1. The Taboo ^top
89:1.1 (974.3) Overholdelse af et tabu var menneskets forsøg på at undvige uheld, at holde sig fra at fornærme åndespøgelserne ved at undgå noget. Tabuerne var i begyndelsen ikke-religiøse, men de blev tidligt erhvervede spøgelse- eller åndegodkendelser, og således forstærket, blev de lovgivere og institutionsopbyggende. Tabuet er kilden til ceremonielle standarder, og stamfader til primitiv selvbeherskelse. Det var den tidligste form for samfundsregulering og i lang tid den eneste; det er stadig en grundlæggende enhed af den sociale regulative struktur.		89:1.1 (974.3) Observance of a taboo was man’s effort to dodge ill luck, to keep from offending the spirit ghosts by the avoidance of something. The taboos were at first nonreligious, but they early acquired ghost or spirit sanction, and when thus reinforced, they became lawmakers and institution builders. The taboo is the source of ceremonial standards and the ancestor of primitive self-control. It was the earliest form of societal regulation and for a long time the only one; it is still a basic unit of the social regulative structure.
89:1.2 (974.4) Den respekt, som disse forbud afstedkom i den vildes sind modsvarede præcis hans frygt for de beføjelser, som der skulle håndhæve dem. Tabuer opstod først på grund af tilfældigt erfaring med uheld; senere blev de foreslået af høvdinge og shamaner—fetich mennesker, som blev anset for at være instrueret af et åndespøgelse, selv af en gud. Frygten for åndegengældelse er så stor i sindet af en primitiv, at han nogle gange dør af skræk, når han har overtrådt et tabu, og det dramatiske episode styrker enormt tabuets greb i sindet på de overlevende.		89:1.2 (974.4) The respect which these prohibitions commanded in the mind of the savage exactly equaled his fear of the powers who were supposed to enforce them. Taboos first arose because of chance experience with ill luck; later they were proposed by chiefs and shamans—fetish men who were thought to be directed by a spirit ghost, even by a god. The fear of spirit retribution is so great in the mind of a primitive that he sometimes dies of fright when he has violated a taboo, and this dramatic episode enormously strengthens the hold of the taboo on the minds of the survivors.
89:1.3 (974.5) Blandt de tidligste forbud var restriktioner for bevilling af kvinder og anden ejendom. Da religionen begyndte at spille en større rolle i udviklingen af tabuer, blev alt hvad der var tabubelagt betragtet som urent, senere som uhelligt. Hebræerbrevets optegnelser er fulde af udsagn om rene og urene, hellige og uhellige ting, men deres tro i denne henseende var langt mindre besværlige og omfattende end blandt mange andre folkeslag.		89:1.3 (974.5) Among the earliest prohibitions were restrictions on the appropriation of women and other property. As religion began to play a larger part in the evolution of the taboo, the article resting under ban was regarded as unclean, subsequently as unholy. The records of the Hebrews are full of the mention of things clean and unclean, holy and unholy, but their beliefs along these lines were far less cumbersome and extensive than were those of many other peoples.
89:1.4 (975.1) De syv bud i Dalamatia og Eden, samt hebræerne ti bud, var bestemte tabuer, alle udtrykt i den samme negative form, ligesom de ældste forbud. Men de nyere lovforeskrifter blev virkelig frigørende, idet de trådte i stedet for tusindvis af tidligere eksisterende tabuer. Hvad mere er, disse senere bud lovede afgjort noget til gengæld for lydighed.		89:1.4 (975.1) The seven commandments of Dalamatia and Eden, as well as the ten injunctions of the Hebrews, were definite taboos, all expressed in the same negative form as were the most ancient prohibitions. But these newer codes were truly emancipating in that they took the place of thousands of pre-existent taboos. And more than this, these later commandments definitely promised something in return for obedience.
89:1.5 (975.2) Det første mad tabu opstod i fetichisme og totemisme. Svin var helligt for fønikerne, koen til hinduerne. Egypternes tabu mod svinekød er blevet ført videre af den hebræiske og islamiske trosretning. En variant af mad tabuet var troen på, at en gravid kvinde kunne tænke så meget om en bestemt fødevare, at barnet, når det blev født, ville være et ekko af den fødevare. Sådanne levnedsmidler ville være tabu for barnet.		89:1.5 (975.2) The early food taboos originated in fetishism and totemism. The swine was sacred to the Phoenicians, the cow to the Hindus. The Egyptian taboo on pork has been perpetuated by the Hebraic and Islamic faiths. A variant of the food taboo was the belief that a pregnant woman could think so much about a certain food that the child, when born, would be the echo of that food. Such viands would be taboo to the child.
89:1.6 (975.3) Visse metoder til at spise på blev snart tabu, og så opstod antikke og moderne bord etikette. Kastesystemer og sociale niveauer er rudimentære rester af gamle forbud. Tabuer var højst effektive i at organisere samfundet, men de var frygtelig besværlige; det negative forbudssystem vedligeholdte ikke kun nyttige og konstruktive regler, men også forældede, forslidte og ubrugelige tabuer.		89:1.6 (975.3) Methods of eating soon became taboo, and so originated ancient and modern table etiquette. Caste systems and social levels are vestigial remnants of olden prohibitions. The taboos were highly effective in organizing society, but they were terribly burdensome; the negative-ban system not only maintained useful and constructive regulations but also obsolete, outworn, and useless taboos.
89:1.7 (975.4) Der ville dog ikke være noget civiliseret samfund som kunne kritisere det primitive menneske, hvis ikke disse vidtstrakte og mangeartede tabuer havde været, og disse tabuet ville aldrig have været udholdt, uden de opretholdte sanktioner fra en primitiv religion. Mange af de væsentlige faktorer i menneskets evolution har været meget dyre, har kostet enorme formuer i indsatsen, offer, og selvfornægtelse, men disse resultater af selvkontrol var de virkelige trin, ad hvilken mennesket klatrede op ad civilisationens opadgående stige.		89:1.7 (975.4) There would, however, be no civilized society to sit in criticism upon primitive man except for these far-flung and multifarious taboos, and the taboo would never have endured but for the upholding sanctions of primitive religion. Many of the essential factors in man’s evolution have been highly expensive, have cost vast treasure in effort, sacrifice, and self-denial, but these achievements of self-control were the real rungs on which man climbed civilization’s ascending ladder.
2. Begrebet om synd ^top		2. The Concept of Sin ^top
89:2.1 (975.5) Frygten for chancen og rædsel for uheld drev bogstaveligt mennesket til opfindelsen af den primitive religion som formodede forsikring mod disse ulykker. Fra magi og spøgelser, udviklede religionen sig gennem ånder og feticher til tabuer. Hver primitiv stamme havde sit træ med forbudte frugter, et bogstaveligt æbletræ, men billedligt bestående af tusind grene tungt hængende med alle mulige tabuer. Og det forbudte træ sagde altid, “Du skal ikke.”		89:2.1 (975.5) The fear of chance and the dread of bad luck literally drove man into the invention of primitive religion as supposed insurance against these calamities. From magic and ghosts, religion evolved through spirits and fetishes to taboos. Every primitive tribe had its tree of forbidden fruit, literally the apple but figuratively consisting of a thousand branches hanging heavy with all sorts of taboos. And the forbidden tree always said, “Thou shalt not.”
89:2.2 (975.6) Da den vildes sind udviklede sig til det punkt, hvor det forestillede sig både gode og onde ånder, og når tabuet modtog den højtidelige sanktion af den udviklende religion, så var scenen klar til en ny opfattelse af synd. Ideen om synd blev etableret over hele verden, før den åbenbarede religion nogensinde holdt sit indtog. Det var kun gennem opfattelsen om synd at den naturlige død blev logisk for det primitive sind. Synd var overtrædelse af tabu, og døden var straffen for synd.		89:2.2 (975.6) As the savage mind evolved to that point where it envisaged both good and bad spirits, and when the taboo received the solemn sanction of evolving religion, the stage was all set for the appearance of the new conception of sin. The idea of sin was universally established in the world before revealed religion ever made its entry. It was only by the concept of sin that natural death became logical to the primitive mind. Sin was the transgression of taboo, and death was the penalty of sin.
89:2.3 (975.7) Synden var ritual, ikke rationel; en handling, ikke en tanke. Hele dette koncept om synd blev fremmet af de resterende minder om Dilmun og dagene i et lille paradis på jorden. Traditionen med Adam og Edens gav også stof til drømmen om, at der engang havde været en “guldalder” i menneskeracernes morgenstund. Alt dette forstærkede ideerne, som senere kom til udtryk i den tro, at mennesket havde sin oprindelse i en særlig skabelse, at det startede sin karriere i fuldkommenhed, og at overtrædelse af tabuer—synd—bragte ham ned til hans senere sørgelige situation.		89:2.3 (975.7) Sin was ritual, not rational; an act, not a thought. And this entire concept of sin was fostered by the lingering traditions of Dilmun and the days of a little paradise on earth. The tradition of Adam and the Garden of Eden also lent substance to the dream of a onetime “golden age” of the dawn of the races. And all this confirmed the ideas later expressed in the belief that man had his origin in a special creation, that he started his career in perfection, and that transgression of the taboos—sin—brought him down to his later sorry plight.
89:2.4 (976.1) Den vanemæssige overtrædelse af et tabu blev en last; den primitive lov gjorde last til en forbrydelse; religionen gjorte den til en synd. Blandt de tidlige stammer var overtrædelse af et tabu en kombineret forbrydelse og synd. En ulykke, der ramte fællesskabet blev altid betragtet som straf for stammens synd. For dem, der mente, at velstand og retfærdighed gik hånd i hånd, forårsagede den tilsyneladende velstand hos den onde så meget bekymring, at det var nødvendigt at opfinde helveder for at straffe dem, der brød mod tabuerne. Antallet af sådanne steder til fremtidig afstraffelse har varieret fra en til fem.		89:2.4 (976.1) The habitual violation of a taboo became a vice; primitive law made vice a crime; religion made it a sin. Among the early tribes the violation of a taboo was a combined crime and sin. Community calamity was always regarded as punishment for tribal sin. To those who believed that prosperity and righteousness went together, the apparent prosperity of the wicked occasioned so much worry that it was necessary to invent hells for the punishment of taboo violators; the numbers of these places of future punishment have varied from one to five.
89:2.5 (976.2) Ideen om bekendelse og tilgivelse dukkede tidligt op i den primitive religion. Folk ville bede om tilgivelse på et offentligt møde for synder de agtede at begå den følgende uge. Bekendelsen var blot et ritual for eftergivelse af straffen, også en offentlig meddelelse om besmittelse, et ritual for at råbe “urene, urent!” Derefter fulgte alle de rituelle ordninger for rensning. Alle fortidens folk praktiserede disse meningsløse ceremonier. Mange tilsyneladende hygiejniske skikke blandt de tidlige stammer var stort set ceremonielle.		89:2.5 (976.2) The idea of confession and forgiveness early appeared in primitive religion. Men would ask forgiveness at a public meeting for sins they intended to commit the following week. Confession was merely a rite of remission, also a public notification of defilement, a ritual of crying “unclean, unclean!” Then followed all the ritualistic schemes of purification. All ancient peoples practiced these meaningless ceremonies. Many apparently hygienic customs of the early tribes were largely ceremonial.
3. Afkald og ydmygelse ^top		3. Renunciation and Humiliation ^top
89:3.1 (976.3) Afkald kom som det næste skridt i den religiøse udvikling; fasten var en almindelig skik. Snart blev det skik at give afkald på mange former for fysisk nydelse, især af seksuel karakter. Fasteritualet var dybt rodfæstet i mange gamle religioner og er overleveret til praktisk talt alle moderne teologiske tankesystemer.		89:3.1 (976.3) Renunciation came as the next step in religious evolution; fasting was a common practice. Soon it became the custom to forgo many forms of physical pleasure, especially of a sexual nature. The ritual of the fast was deeply rooted in many ancient religions and has been handed down to practically all modern theologic systems of thought.
89:3.2 (976.4) Lige omkring det tidspunkt, hvor det barbariske menneske begyndte genoprettelse fra den uøkonomiske praksis med afbrænding og nedgravning af ejendom sammen med de døde, ligesom menneskeracernes økonomiske struktur begyndte at tage form, dukkede denne nye religiøse doktrin om afkald op, og titusinder af alvorlige sjæle begyndte at efterstræbe fattigdom. Ejendom blev betragtet som et åndeligt handicap. Disse forestillinger om de åndelige farer ved materielle besiddelser havde en stor udbredelse under Philos og Paulus tid, og de har markant påvirket europæisk filosofi lige siden.		89:3.2 (976.4) Just about the time barbarian man was recovering from the wasteful practice of burning and burying property with the dead, just as the economic structure of the races was beginning to take shape, this new religious doctrine of renunciation appeared, and tens of thousands of earnest souls began to court poverty. Property was regarded as a spiritual handicap. These notions of the spiritual dangers of material possession were widespreadly entertained in the times of Philo and Paul, and they have markedly influenced European philosophy ever since.
89:3.3 (976.5) Fattigdom var bare en del af ritualet af ydmygelse af kødet, som desværre blev indarbejdet i mange religioner, især kristendommens skrifter og lære. Bod er den negative form af dette ofte tåbelige forsagelsesritual. Alt dette lærte imidlertid den vilde selvkontrol, og det var et værdfuldt fremskridt i den sociale udvikling. Selvfornægtelse og selvkontrol var to af de største sociale gevinster fra den tidlige udviklingsreligion. Selvkontrol gav mennesket en ny livsfilosofi; den lærte mennesket kunsten at øge sin andel af livet ved at reducere nævneren i personlige krav i stedet for altid at forsøge at øge tælleren i selvisk tilfredsstillelse.		89:3.3 (976.5) Poverty was just a part of the ritual of the mortification of the flesh which, unfortunately, became incorporated into the writings and teachings of many religions, notably Christianity. Penance is the negative form of this ofttimes foolish ritual of renunciation. But all this taught the savage self-control, and that was a worth-while advancement in social evolution. Self-denial and self-control were two of the greatest social gains from early evolutionary religion. Self-control gave man a new philosophy of life; it taught him the art of augmenting life’s fraction by lowering the denominator of personal demands instead of always attempting to increase the numerator of selfish gratification.
89:3.4 (976.6) Til disse gamle ideer om selvdisciplin hørte piskning og alle mulige former for fysisk tortur. Moderkultens præster var især aktive i at undervise i den fysiske lidelses styrke, og de sætter et eksempel ved at lade sig blive kastreret. Hebræerne, hinduer og buddhister var oprigtige tilhængere af denne doktrin om fysisk ydmygelse.		89:3.4 (976.6) These olden ideas of self-discipline embraced flogging and all sorts of physical torture. The priests of the mother cult were especially active in teaching the virtue of physical suffering, setting the example by submitting themselves to castration. The Hebrews, Hindus, and Buddhists were earnest devotees of this doctrine of physical humiliation.
89:3.5 (976.7) Under hele fortiden forsøgte menneskerne på disse måder at erhverve ekstra kreditter i selvfornægtelsesbøger som deres guder førte. Det var engang almindeligt for den person, der var under nogle følelsesmæssige pres, at aflægge løfter om selvfornægtelse og -tortur. Med tiden antog disse løfter form af kontrakter med guderne, og i den forstand repræsenterede de et reel udviklings fremskridt, at guderne skulle gøre noget konkret til gengæld for denne selvtortur og ydmygelse af kødet. Løfterne var både negative og positive. Udførelser af denne skadelige og ekstreme natur er bedst observeret i dag blandt visse grupper i Indien.		89:3.5 (976.7) All through the olden times men sought in these ways for extra credits on the self-denial ledgers of their gods. It was once customary, when under some emotional stress, to make vows of self-denial and self-torture. In time these vows assumed the form of contracts with the gods and, in that sense, represented true evolutionary progress in that the gods were supposed to do something definite in return for this self-torture and mortification of the flesh. Vows were both negative and positive. Pledges of this harmful and extreme nature are best observed today among certain groups in India.
89:3.6 (977.1) Det var kun naturligt, at dyrkelsen af afkald og ydmygelse skulle have været opmærksom på seksuel tilfredsstillelse. Afholdenhedskulten opstod som et ritual blandt soldater før en kamp. Under senere tider blev det en skik hos “helgener.” Denne kult tolererede kun ægteskab som et onde mindre end utugt. Mange af verdens store religioner er blevet negativt påvirket af denne gamle kult, men ingen mere markant end kristendommen. Apostlen Paulus var en tilhænger af denne kult, og hans personlige synspunkter afspejles i læren, som han knyttede til den kristne teologi: “Det er godt for en mand ikke at røre en kvinde.” “Jeg ville, at alle mennesker levede ligesom jeg.” “Jeg siger derfor til de ugifte og enker, det er godt for dem, at forblive som de er, ligesom mig.” Paulus vidste godt, at sådanne lærdomme ikke var en del af Jesu evangelium og hans anerkendelse af dette er illustreret ved hans erklæring: “Jeg siger dette med tilladelse og ikke som et bud.” Denne kult førte Paulus til at se ned på kvinder. Det er beklageligt, at hans personlige meninger så længe har påvirket en stor verdensreligions lære. Hvis rådet fra en teltmager og lærer skulle tages bogstaveligt og generelt adlydes, så ville menneskeheden komme til en pludselig og glorværdige ende. Når en religion sammenblandes med den gamle afholdenhedskult fører dette direkte til en krig mod ægteskabet og hjemmet, selve grundlaget for samfundet og den grundlæggende institution i menneskelige fremskridt. Det er ikke underligt, at alle sådanne overbevisninger blandt de mange religioner fra forskellige folkeslag begunstiget dannelsen af cølibat præsteskab.		89:3.6 (977.1) It was only natural that the cult of renunciation and humiliation should have paid attention to sexual gratification. The continence cult originated as a ritual among soldiers prior to engaging in battle; in later days it became the practice of “saints.” This cult tolerated marriage only as an evil lesser than fornication. Many of the world’s great religions have been adversely influenced by this ancient cult, but none more markedly than Christianity. The Apostle Paul was a devotee of this cult, and his personal views are reflected in the teachings which he fastened onto Christian theology: “It is good for a man not to touch a woman.” “I would that all men were even as I myself.” “I say, therefore, to the unmarried and widows, it is good for them to abide even as I.” Paul well knew that such teachings were not a part of Jesus’ gospel, and his acknowledgment of this is illustrated by his statement, “I speak this by permission and not by commandment.” But this cult led Paul to look down upon women. And the pity of it all is that his personal opinions have long influenced the teachings of a great world religion. If the advice of the tentmaker-teacher were to be literally and universally obeyed, then would the human race come to a sudden and inglorious end. Furthermore, the involvement of a religion with the ancient continence cult leads directly to a war against marriage and the home, society’s veritable foundation and the basic institution of human progress. And it is not to be wondered at that all such beliefs fostered the formation of celibate priesthoods in the many religions of various peoples.
89:3.7 (977.2) En dag skal mennesket lære at nyde friheden uden tilladelse, sin mad uden frås, og fornøjelse uden udskejelser. Selvkontrol er en bedre menneskelig politik for adfærds regulering end er ekstrem selvfornægtelse. Jesus underviste aldrig nogensinde i disse urimelige synspunkter til sine tilhængere.		89:3.7 (977.2) Someday man should learn how to enjoy liberty without license, nourishment without gluttony, and pleasure without debauchery. Self-control is a better human policy of behavior regulation than is extreme self-denial. Nor did Jesus ever teach these unreasonable views to his followers.
4. Oprindelsen af ofring ^top		4. Origins of Sacrifice ^top
89:4.1 (977.3) Ofring som en del af religiøs hengivenhed havde, ligesom mange andre tilbedende ritualer, ikke en enkel og entydig oprindelse. Tendensen til at bøje sig for magten og kaste sig ned i tilbedende tilbedelse i nærvær af et mysterium er forvarslet i hundens kryben for sin herre. Der er kun et skridt fra tilbedelsens impuls til ofringens handling. Det primitive menneske målte værdien af sit offer ud fra den smerte, det led. Da ideen om at ofre først blev knyttet til det religiøse ceremoniel, tænkte man ikke på noget offer, som ikke var forbundet med smerte. De første ofringer var handlinger som at plukke hår, skære i kødet, lemlæste, slå tænder ud og skære fingre af. Efterhånden som civilisationen udviklede sig, blev disse primitive offerbegreber løftet op på niveau med ritualer for selvfornægtelse, askese, faste, afsavn og den senere kristne doktrin om helliggørelse gennem sorg, lidelse og kødets fordærvelse.		89:4.1 (977.3) Sacrifice as a part of religious devotions, like many other worshipful rituals, did not have a simple and single origin. The tendency to bow down before power and to prostrate oneself in worshipful adoration in the presence of mystery is foreshadowed in the fawning of the dog before its master. It is but one step from the impulse of worship to the act of sacrifice. Primitive man gauged the value of his sacrifice by the pain which he suffered. When the idea of sacrifice first attached itself to religious ceremonial, no offering was contemplated which was not productive of pain. The first sacrifices were such acts as plucking hair, cutting the flesh, mutilations, knocking out teeth, and cutting off fingers. As civilization advanced, these crude concepts of sacrifice were elevated to the level of the rituals of self-abnegation, asceticism, fasting, deprivation, and the later Christian doctrine of sanctification through sorrow, suffering, and the mortification of the flesh.
89:4.2 (977.4) Tidligt i religionens udvikling fandtes der to opfattelser af offeret: ideen om gaveofferet, som var forbundet med en taknemmelig holdning, og gældsofferet, som omfattede ideen om forløsning. Senere udviklede man forestillingen om stedfortrædende offer.		89:4.2 (977.4) Early in the evolution of religion there existed two conceptions of the sacrifice: the idea of the gift sacrifice, which connoted the attitude of thanksgiving, and the debt sacrifice, which embraced the idea of redemption. Later there developed the notion of substitution.
89:4.3 (977.5) Endnu senere forestillede mennesket sig, at hans offer uanset art kunne fungere som budbringer til guderne; det kunne være som en sød duft i guddommens næsebor. Dette medførte røgelse og andre æstetiske træk ved offerritualer, som udviklede sig til offerfester, der med tiden blev mere og mere omfattende og udsmykkede.		89:4.3 (977.5) Man still later conceived that his sacrifice of whatever nature might function as a message bearer to the gods; it might be as a sweet savor in the nostrils of deity. This brought incense and other aesthetic features of sacrificial rituals which developed into sacrificial feasting, in time becoming increasingly elaborate and ornate.
89:4.4 (978.1) Efterhånden som religionen udviklede sig, erstattede forsonings- og forsoningsritualer de ældre metoder med undgåelse, forsoning og eksorcisme.		89:4.4 (978.1) As religion evolved, the sacrificial rites of conciliation and propitiation replaced the older methods of avoidance, placation, and exorcism.
89:4.5 (978.2) Den tidligste idé om offeret var, at det var en neutralitetsvurdering, der blev opkrævet af forfædrenes ånder; først senere udviklede idéen om forsoning sig. Da mennesket fjernede sig fra forestillingen om racens evolutionære oprindelse, da traditionerne fra Planetprinsens dage og Adams ophold blev filtreret ned gennem tiden, blev begrebet synd og arvesynd udbredt, så ofring for utilsigtet og personlig synd udviklede sig til doktrinen om ofring til soning af racens synd. Offerets soning var en generel forsikringsordning, der dækkede selv en ukendt guds vrede og jalousi.		89:4.5 (978.2) The earliest idea of the sacrifice was that of a neutrality assessment levied by ancestral spirits; only later did the idea of atonement develop. As man got away from the notion of the evolutionary origin of the race, as the traditions of the days of the Planetary Prince and the sojourn of Adam filtered down through time, the concept of sin and of original sin became widespread, so that sacrifice for accidental and personal sin evolved into the doctrine of sacrifice for the atonement of racial sin. The atonement of the sacrifice was a blanket insurance device which covered even the resentment and jealousy of an unknown god.
89:4.6 (978.3) Det primitive menneske var omgivet af så mange følsomme ånder og begærlige guder, og det stod ansigt til ansigt med så mange kreditor-guder, at det krævede alle præster, ritualer og ofringer gennem et helt liv for at få det ud af den åndelige gæld. Doktrinen om arvesynden eller racemæssig skyld betød, at alle mennesker stod i alvorlig gæld til de åndelige magter.		89:4.6 (978.3) Surrounded by so many sensitive spirits and grasping gods, primitive man was face to face with such a host of creditor deities that it required all the priests, ritual, and sacrifices throughout an entire lifetime to get him out of spiritual debt. The doctrine of original sin, or racial guilt, started every person out in serious debt to the spirit powers.
89:4.7 (978.4) Gaver og bestikkelse gives til mennesker, men når de gives til guderne, beskrives de som indviede, gjort hellige eller kaldes ofre. Afkald var den negative form for forsoning; ofring blev den positive form. Forsoningshandlingen omfattede ros, forherligelse, smiger og endda underholdning. Og det er resterne af denne positive praksis fra den gamle forsoningskult, der udgør de moderne former for guddommelig tilbedelse. Nutidens former for tilbedelse er simpelthen en ritualisering af disse gamle offerteknikker for positiv forsoning.		89:4.7 (978.4) Gifts and bribes are given to men; but when tendered to the gods, they are described as being dedicated, made sacred, or are called sacrifices. Renunciation was the negative form of propitiation; sacrifice became the positive form. The act of propitiation included praise, glorification, flattery, and even entertainment. And it is the remnants of these positive practices of the olden propitiation cult that constitute the modern forms of divine worship. Present-day forms of worship are simply the ritualization of these ancient sacrificial techniques of positive propitiation.
89:4.8 (978.5) Dyreofringer betød meget mere for det primitive menneske, end det nogensinde kunne betyde for moderne racer. Disse barbarer betragtede dyrene som deres egentlige og nære slægtninge. Som tiden gik, blev mennesket klogere i sine ofringer og holdt op med at ofre sine arbejdsdyr. I begyndelsen ofrede det bedste af alt, inklusivt sine husdyr.		89:4.8 (978.5) Animal sacrifice meant much more to primitive man than it could ever mean to modern races. These barbarians regarded the animals as their actual and near kin. As time passed, man became shrewd in his sacrificing, ceasing to offer up his work animals. At first he sacrificed the best of everything, including his domesticated animals.
89:4.9 (978.6) Det var ikke tomt pral af en vis egyptisk hersker, da han erklærede, at han havde ofret: 113.433 slaver, 493.386 stykker kvæg, 88 både, 2756 gyldne billeder, 331.702 krukker af honning og olie, 228.380 krukker vin, 680.714 gæs, 6.744.428 brød og 5.740.352 sække majs. Og for at kunne gøre dette, må han have beskattet sine hårdtarbejdende undersåtter hårdt.		89:4.9 (978.6) It was no empty boast that a certain Egyptian ruler made when he stated that he had sacrificed: 113,433 slaves, 493,386 head of cattle, 88 boats, 2,756 golden images, 331,702 jars of honey and oil, 228,380 jars of wine, 680,714 geese, 6,744,428 loaves of bread, and 5,740,352 sacks of corn. And in order to do this he must needs have sorely taxed his toiling subjects.
89:4.10 (978.7) Ren og skær nødvendighed drev til sidst disse semisavage til at spise den materielle del af deres ofre, mens guderne havde nydt sjælen i dem. Og denne skik blev retfærdiggjort under påskud af det gamle hellige måltid, en nadvergudstjeneste ifølge moderne sprogbrug.		89:4.10 (978.7) Sheer necessity eventually drove these semisavages to eat the material part of their sacrifices, the gods having enjoyed the soul thereof. And this custom found justification under the pretense of the ancient sacred meal, a communion service according to modern usage.
5. Ofringer og kannibalisme ^top		5. Sacrifices and Cannibalism ^top
89:5.1 (978.8) Moderne forestillinger om tidlig kannibalisme er helt forkerte; det var en del af det tidlige samfunds sæder og skikke. Mens kannibalisme traditionelt er forfærdeligt for den moderne civilisation, var det en del af den sociale og religiøse struktur i det primitive samfund. Gruppeinteresser dikterede udøvelsen af kannibalisme. Den voksede frem af nødvendighed og fortsatte på grund af overtroens og uvidenhedens slaveri. Det var en social, økonomisk, religiøs og militær skik.		89:5.1 (978.8) Modern ideas of early cannibalism are entirely wrong; it was a part of the mores of early society. While cannibalism is traditionally horrible to modern civilization, it was a part of the social and religious structure of primitive society. Group interests dictated the practice of cannibalism. It grew up through the urge of necessity and persisted because of the slavery of superstition and ignorance. It was a social, economic, religious, and military custom.
89:5.2 (979.1) De tidlige mennesker var kannibaler; de nød menneskekød, og derfor tilbød de det som en fødevare gave til ånderne og til deres primitive guder. Eftersom spøgelsesånderne blot var ændrede mennesker, og eftersom maden var menneskets største behov, så måtte mad ligeledes være en ånds største behov.		89:5.2 (979.1) Early man was a cannibal; he enjoyed human flesh, and therefore he offered it as a food gift to the spirits and his primitive gods. Since ghost spirits were merely modified men, and since food was man’s greatest need, then food must likewise be a spirit’s greatest need.
89:5.3 (979.2) Kannibalisme forekom engang så godt som overalt blandt de udviklende racer. Sangikracerne var alle menneskeædere, men oprindeligt var Andoniterne det ikke, og ej heller var Noditerne og Adamiterne; og det var var Anditerne heller ikke, før de var blevet groft opblandet med de evolutionære racer.		89:5.3 (979.2) Cannibalism was once well-nigh universal among the evolving races. The Sangiks were all cannibalistic, but originally the Andonites were not, nor were the Nodites and Adamites; neither were the Andites until after they had become grossly admixed with the evolutionary races.
89:5.4 (979.3) Smagen for menneskekød voksede. Efter at være blevet startet på grund af sult, venskab, hævn, eller religiøst ritual, går spisningen af menneskekød videre til vanemæssig kannibalisme. Menneskeæderi er opstået på grund af fødevareknaphed, selvom det sjældent har været den underliggende årsag. Eskimoerne og de tidlige andonitter var dog sjældent kannibalistiske, undtagen i tider med hungersnød. De røde mennesker, især i Mellemamerika, var kannibaler. Det var engang en almindelig praksis for primitive mødre, at dræbe og spise deres egne børn for at genvinde den styrke de havde tabt i graviditetsperioden og i Queensland bliver det første barn stadig ofte dræbt og fortæret på den måde. I nyere tid har mange afrikanske stammer bevidst tyet til kannibalisme som et krigsmiddel, en slags skræk, som de kunne bruge til at terrorisere deres naboer med.		89:5.4 (979.3) The taste for human flesh grows. Having been started through hunger, friendship, revenge, or religious ritual, the eating of human flesh goes on to habitual cannibalism. Man-eating has arisen through food scarcity, though this has seldom been the underlying reason. The Eskimos and early Andonites, however, seldom were cannibalistic except in times of famine. The red men, especially in Central America, were cannibals. It was once a general practice for primitive mothers to kill and eat their own children in order to renew the strength lost in childbearing, and in Queensland the first child is still frequently thus killed and devoured. In recent times cannibalism has been deliberately resorted to by many African tribes as a war measure, a sort of frightfulness with which to terrorize their neighbors.
89:5.5 (979.4) En del kannibalisme opstod, af at én højerestående slægt degenererede, men det var mest udbredt blandt de evolutionære racer. Menneskeæderiet opstod på et tidspunkt, hvor mennesker oplevede intense og bitre følelser over for deres fjender. At spise menneskekød blev en del af en højtidelig hævnceremoni; man troede, at en fjendes spøgelse på denne måde kunne blive ødelagt eller smeltet sammen med spiserens. Det var engang en udbredt tro, at troldmænd fik deres kræfter ved at spise menneskekød.		89:5.5 (979.4) Some cannibalism resulted from the degeneration of once superior stocks, but it was mostly prevalent among the evolutionary races. Man-eating came on at a time when men experienced intense and bitter emotions regarding their enemies. Eating human flesh became part of a solemn ceremony of revenge; it was believed that an enemy’s ghost could, in this way, be destroyed or fused with that of the eater. It was once a widespread belief that wizards attained their powers by eating human flesh.
89:5.6 (979.5) Visse grupper af menneskeædere spiste kun medlemmer af deres egen stamme, en pseudospirituel indavl, som skulle fremhæve stammesolidariteten. Men de spiste også fjender som hævn for at tilegne sig deres styrke. Det blev betragtet som en ære for en vens eller stammefrendes sjæl, hvis hans krop blev spist, mens det kun var en retfærdig straf for en fjende at fortære ham på den måde. Det vilde sind gjorde sig ingen forhåbninger om at være konsekvent.		89:5.6 (979.5) Certain groups of man-eaters would consume only members of their own tribes, a pseudospiritual inbreeding which was supposed to accentuate tribal solidarity. But they also ate enemies for revenge with the idea of appropriating their strength. It was considered an honor to the soul of a friend or fellow tribesman if his body were eaten, while it was no more than just punishment to an enemy thus to devour him. The savage mind made no pretensions to being consistent.
89:5.7 (979.6) Hos nogle stammer søgte gamle forældre at blive spist af deres børn; hos andre var det skik at afholde sig fra at spise nære slægtninge; deres kroppe blev solgt eller byttet med fremmede. Der var en betydelig handel med kvinder og børn, der var blevet opfedet til slagtning. Når sygdom eller krig ikke kunne kontrollere befolkningen, blev overskuddet uden videre spist.		89:5.7 (979.6) Among some tribes aged parents would seek to be eaten by their children; among others it was customary to refrain from eating near relations; their bodies were sold or exchanged for those of strangers. There was considerable commerce in women and children who had been fattened for slaughter. When disease or war failed to control population, the surplus was unceremoniously eaten.
89:5.8 (979.7) Kannibalisme er gradvist ved at forsvinde på grund af følgende påvirkninger:		89:5.8 (979.7) Cannibalism has been gradually disappearing because of the following influences:
89:5.9 (979.8) 1. Nogle gange blev det en fælles ceremoni, hvor man påtog sig det kollektive ansvar for at påføre en stammefrænde dødsstraf. Blodskylden ophører med at være en forbrydelse, når alle, samfundet, deltager i den. Den sidste form for kannibalisme i Asien var denne spisning af henrettede forbrydere.		89:5.9 (979.8) 1. It sometimes became a communal ceremony, the assumption of collective responsibility for inflicting the death penalty upon a fellow tribesman. The blood guilt ceases to be a crime when participated in by all, by society. The last of cannibalism in Asia was this eating of executed criminals.
89:5.10 (979.9) 2. Det blev meget tidligt et religiøst ritual, men den voksende spøgelsesfrygt var ikke altid med til at reducere menneskeæderne.		89:5.10 (979.9) 2. It very early became a religious ritual, but the growth of ghost fear did not always operate to reduce man-eating.
89:5.11 (979.10) 3. Til sidst gik det så vidt, at man kun spiste visse dele eller organer af kroppen, som formodedes at indeholde sjælen eller dele af ånden. Det blev almindeligt at drikke blod, og det var kutyme at blande de “spiselige” dele af kroppen med medicin.		89:5.11 (979.10) 3. Eventually it progressed to the point where only certain parts or organs of the body were eaten, those parts supposed to contain the soul or portions of the spirit. Blood drinking became common, and it was customary to mix the “edible” parts of the body with medicines.
89:5.12 (980.1) 4. Det blev begrænset til mænd; kvinder fik forbud mod at spise menneskekød.		89:5.12 (980.1) 4. It became limited to men; women were forbidden to eat human flesh.
89:5.13 (980.2) 5. Det blev siden begrænset til høvdinge, præster og shamaner.		89:5.13 (980.2) 5. It was next limited to the chiefs, priests, and shamans.
89:5.14 (980.3) 6. Derefter blev det tabu blandt de højere stammer. Tabuet mod menneskeædende stammer fra Dalamatia og spredte sig langsomt over hele verden. Noditerne opfordrede til kremering som et middel til at bekæmpe kannibalisme, da det engang var en almindelig praksis at grave begravede lig op og spise dem.		89:5.14 (980.3) 6. Then it became taboo among the higher tribes. The taboo on man-eating originated in Dalamatia and slowly spread over the world. The Nodites encouraged cremation as a means of combating cannibalism since it was once a common practice to dig up buried bodies and eat them.
89:5.15 (980.4) 7. Menneskeofring var dødsstødet til kannibalisme. Efter at menneskekød først havde været føde for de højerestående mennesker, høvdingene, blev det til sidst forbeholdt de endnu mere højerestående ånder; og dermed satte menneskeofringer en effektivt stopper for kannibalisme, undtagen blandt de laveste stammer. Da menneskeofring var fuldt etableret, blev det tabu at spise mennesker; menneskekød var kun mad for guderne; mennesket kunne kun spise en lille ceremoniel smule, et sakramente.		89:5.15 (980.4) 7. Human sacrifice sounded the death knell of cannibalism. Human flesh having become the food of superior men, the chiefs, it was eventually reserved for the still more superior spirits; and thus the offering of human sacrifices effectively put a stop to cannibalism, except among the lowest tribes. When human sacrifice was fully established, man-eating became taboo; human flesh was food only for the gods; man could eat only a small ceremonial bit, a sacrament.
89:5.16 (980.5) Endelig blev dyreerstatninger almindeligt brugt til offerformål, og selv blandt de mere tilbagestående stammer reducerede hundespisning i høj grad menneskespisning. Hunden var det første tamme dyr og blev højt værdsat både som sådan og som føde.		89:5.16 (980.5) Finally animal substitutes came into general use for sacrificial purposes, and even among the more backward tribes dog-eating greatly reduced man-eating. The dog was the first domesticated animal and was held in high esteem both as such and as food.
6. Menneskeofringens udvikling ^top		6. Evolution of Human Sacrifice ^top
89:6.1 (980.6) Menneskeofring var en indirekte følge af kannibalisme samt dens helbredelse. Formidling af åndelige ledsagere til åndeverdenen førte også til en formindskelse af menneskespisning da det aldrig var skik at spise disse ofre efter døden. Ingen racer har været fuldstændig fri for anvendelse af menneskeofring i en form og på et tidspunkt, selvom Andoniterne, Noditerne og Adamiterne var mindst afhængige af kannibalisme.		89:6.1 (980.6) Human sacrifice was an indirect result of cannibalism as well as its cure. Providing spirit escorts to the spirit world also led to the lessening of man-eating as it was never the custom to eat these death sacrifices. No race has been entirely free from the practice of human sacrifice in some form and at some time, even though the Andonites, Nodites, and Adamites were the least addicted to cannibalism.
89:6.2 (980.7) Menneskeofringer har været så godt som universelle; de fortsatte i kinesernes, hinduernes, egypternes, hebræernes, mesopotamiernes, grækernes, romernes og mange andre folkeslags religiøse skikke, selv i nyere tid blandt de tilbagestående afrikanske og australske stammer. De senere amerikanske indianere havde en civilisation, der udsprang af kannibalisme og derfor var gennemsyret af menneskeofringer, især i Mellem- og Sydamerika. Kaldæerne var blandt de første, der opgav at ofre mennesker ved almindelige lejligheder og erstattede dem med dyr. For omkring to tusind år siden indførte en ømhjertet japansk kejser lerbilleder i stedet for menneskeofringer, men det var mindre end tusind år siden, at disse ofringer uddøde i Nordeuropa. Blandt visse tilbagestående stammer udføres menneskeofringer stadig af frivillige, en slags religiøst eller rituelt selvmord. En shaman beordrede engang ofring af en meget respekteret gammel mand fra en bestemt stamme. Folket gjorde oprør; de nægtede at adlyde. Derefter fik den gamle mand sin egen søn til at sende ham af sted; de gamle troede virkelig på denne skik.		89:6.2 (980.7) Human sacrifice has been virtually universal; it persisted in the religious customs of the Chinese, Hindus, Egyptians, Hebrews, Mesopotamians, Greeks, Romans, and many other peoples, even on to recent times among the backward African and Australian tribes. The later American Indians had a civilization emerging from cannibalism and, therefore, steeped in human sacrifice, especially in Central and South America. The Chaldeans were among the first to abandon the sacrificing of humans for ordinary occasions, substituting therefor animals. About two thousand years ago a tenderhearted Japanese emperor introduced clay images to take the place of human sacrifices, but it was less than a thousand years ago that these sacrifices died out in northern Europe. Among certain backward tribes, human sacrifice is still carried on by volunteers, a sort of religious or ritual suicide. A shaman once ordered the sacrifice of a much respected old man of a certain tribe. The people revolted; they refused to obey. Whereupon the old man had his own son dispatch him; the ancients really believed in this custom.
89:6.3 (980.8) Der findes ingen mere tragisk og patetisk oplevelse, som illustrerer de hjerteskærende stridigheder mellem gamle og hævdvundne religiøse skikke og de modsatrettede krav fra den fremadskridende civilisation, end den hebraiske fortælling om Jefta og hans eneste datter. Som det var almindelig skik, havde denne velmenende mand aflagt et tåbeligt løfte, havde forhandlet med “slagets gud” og indvilliget i at betale en bestemt pris for sejr over sine fjender. Og denne pris var at ofre det, der først kom ud af hans hus for at møde ham, når han vendte tilbage til sit hjem. Jefta troede, at en af hans trofaste slaver ville være klar til at tage imod ham, men det viste sig, at hans datter og eneste barn kom ud for at byde ham velkommen hjem. Så selv på dette sene tidspunkt og blandt et angiveligt civiliseret folk blev denne smukke jomfru, efter to måneder til at sørge over sin skæbne, faktisk ofret som menneskeoffer af sin far og med hans stammefrænders godkendelse. Og alt dette blev gjort på trods af Moses’ strenge regler mod menneskeofringer. Men mænd og kvinder er afhængige af at aflægge tåbelige og unødvendige løfter, og de gamle mænd anså alle sådanne løfter for at være meget hellige.		89:6.3 (980.8) There is no more tragic and pathetic experience on record, illustrative of the heart-tearing contentions between ancient and time-honored religious customs and the contrary demands of advancing civilization, than the Hebrew narrative of Jephthah and his only daughter. As was common custom, this well-meaning man had made a foolish vow, had bargained with the “god of battles,” agreeing to pay a certain price for victory over his enemies. And this price was to make a sacrifice of that which first came out of his house to meet him when he returned to his home. Jephthah thought that one of his trusty slaves would thus be on hand to greet him, but it turned out that his daughter and only child came out to welcome him home. And so, even at that late date and among a supposedly civilized people, this beautiful maiden, after two months to mourn her fate, was actually offered as a human sacrifice by her father, and with the approval of his fellow tribesmen. And all this was done in the face of Moses’ stringent rulings against the offering of human sacrifice. But men and women are addicted to making foolish and needless vows, and the men of old held all such pledges to be highly sacred.
89:6.4 (981.1) I gamle dage, når man påbegyndte en ny bygning af betydning, var det skik at dræbe et menneske som et “fundamentoffer.” På den måde fik man en spøgelsesånd til at våge over og beskytte bygningen. Når kineserne gjorde klar til at støbe en klokke, var det skik at ofre mindst én pige for at forbedre klangen i klokken; den valgte pige blev kastet levende ned i det smeltede metal.		89:6.4 (981.1) In olden times, when a new building of any importance was started, it was customary to slay a human being as a “foundation sacrifice.” This provided a ghost spirit to watch over and protect the structure. When the Chinese made ready to cast a bell, custom decreed the sacrifice of at least one maiden for the purpose of improving the tone of the bell; the girl chosen was thrown alive into the molten metal.
89:6.5 (981.2) Det var længe praksis i mange grupper at bygge levende slaver ind i vigtige mure. I senere tider erstattede de nordeuropæiske stammer denne skik med at begrave levende personer i murene på nye bygninger med indmuring af skyggen af en forbipasserende. Kineserne begravede de arbejdere, der døde under opførelsen af en mur, i den.		89:6.5 (981.2) It was long the practice of many groups to build slaves alive into important walls. In later times the northern European tribes substituted the walling in of the shadow of a passerby for this custom of entombing living persons in the walls of new buildings. The Chinese buried in a wall those workmen who died while constructing it.
89:6.6 (981.3) Da en ubetydelig konge i Palæstina, som byggede Jerikos mure, “lagde fundamentet heraf i Abiram, hans førstefødte, og oprettede dens porte i hans yngste søn, Segub.” På dette sene tidspunkt, ikke kun satte denne far to af sine levende sønner i fundament hullerne i byens porte, men hans handling er også registreret som værende “i henhold til Herrens ord.” Moses havde forbudt disse fundament ofre, men israelitterne vendte tilbage til dem snart efter hans død. Ceremonien for deponering af nipsgenstande og souvenirs i hjørnestenen i en ny bygning i det tyvende århundrede minder om de primitive tiders fundamentofringer.		89:6.6 (981.3) A petty king in Palestine, in building the walls of Jericho, “laid the foundation thereof in Abiram, his first-born, and set up the gates thereof in his youngest son, Segub.” At that late date, not only did this father put two of his sons alive in the foundation holes of the city’s gates, but his action is also recorded as being “according to the word of the Lord.” Moses had forbidden these foundation sacrifices, but the Israelites reverted to them soon after his death. The twentieth-century ceremony of depositing trinkets and keepsakes in the cornerstone of a new building is reminiscent of the primitive foundation sacrifices.
89:6.7 (981.4) Det var længe skik hos mange folkeslag at dedikere de første frugter til ånderne. Og disse skikke, som nu er mere eller mindre symbolske, er alle overleveringer fra de tidlige ceremonier, der involverede menneskeofringer. Ideen om at ofre den førstefødte var udbredt blandt de gamle, især blandt fønikerne, som var de sidste til at opgive den. Man plejede at sige “liv for liv”, når man ofrede. Nu siger man ved døden, “af jord er du kommet.”		89:6.7 (981.4) It was long the custom of many peoples to dedicate the first fruits to the spirits. And these observances, now more or less symbolic, are all survivals of the early ceremonies involving human sacrifice. The idea of offering the first-born as a sacrifice was widespread among the ancients, especially among the Phoenicians, who were the last to give it up. It used to be said upon sacrificing, “life for life.” Now you say at death, “dust to dust.”
89:6.8 (981.5) At Abraham blev tvunget til at ofre sin søn Isak var chokerende for civiliserede følelser, men det var ikke en ny eller mærkelig tanke for datidens mænd. Det var længe en udbredt praksis, at fædre i tider med stor følelsesmæssig stress ofrede deres førstefødte sønner. Mange folkeslag har en tradition, der svarer til denne historie, for der eksisterede engang en verdensomspændende og dyb tro på, at det var nødvendigt at ofre et menneske, når der skete noget ekstraordinært eller usædvanligt.		89:6.8 (981.5) The spectacle of Abraham constrained to sacrifice his son Isaac, while shocking to civilized susceptibilities, was not a new or strange idea to the men of those days. It was long a prevalent practice for fathers, at times of great emotional stress, to sacrifice their first-born sons. Many peoples have a tradition analogous to this story, for there once existed a world-wide and profound belief that it was necessary to offer a human sacrifice when anything extraordinary or unusual happened.
7. Modifikationer af menneskeofringer ^top		7. Modifications of Human Sacrifice ^top
89:7.1 (981.6) Moses forsøgte at gøre en ende på menneskeofringer ved at indføre løsesummen som en erstatning. Han etablerede en systematisk plan, som gjorde det muligt for hans folk at undslippe de værste resultater af deres uovervejede og tåbelige løfter. Jord, ejendomme og børn kunne indløses i henhold til de fastsatte gebyrer, som skulle betales til præsterne. De grupper, som holdt op med at ofre deres førstefødte, fik snart store fordele i forhold til mindre avancerede naboer, som fortsatte med disse grusomme handlinger. Mange af disse tilbagestående stammer blev ikke blot stærkt svækket af dette tab af sønner, men selv arvefølgen i lederskabet blev ofte brudt.		89:7.1 (981.6) Moses attempted to end human sacrifices by inaugurating the ransom as a substitute. He established a systematic schedule which enabled his people to escape the worst results of their rash and foolish vows. Lands, properties, and children could be redeemed according to the established fees, which were payable to the priests. Those groups which ceased to sacrifice their first-born soon possessed great advantages over less advanced neighbors who continued these atrocious acts. Many such backward tribes were not only greatly weakened by this loss of sons, but even the succession of leadership was often broken.
89:7.2 (982.1) En udløber af de forbigående børneofringer var skikken med at smøre blod på husets dørstolper for at beskytte den førstefødte. Dette blev ofte gjort i forbindelse med en af årets hellige fester, og denne ceremoni var engang udbredt over det meste af verden fra Mexico til Egypten.		89:7.2 (982.1) An outgrowth of the passing child sacrifice was the custom of smearing blood on the house doorposts for the protection of the first-born. This was often done in connection with one of the sacred feasts of the year, and this ceremony once obtained over most of the world from Mexico to Egypt.
89:7.3 (982.2) Selv efter at de fleste grupper var holdt op med at dræbe børn rituelt, var det skik at sætte et spædbarn væk alene i ørkenen eller i en lille båd på vandet. Hvis barnet overlevede, troede man, at guderne havde grebet ind for at bevare det, som i traditionerne om Sargon, Moses, Kyros og Romulus. Så kom praksis med at indvie de førstefødte sønner som hellige eller ofre, lade dem vokse op og derefter sende dem i eksil i stedet for at dø; dette var oprindelsen til kolonisering. Romerne fulgte denne skik i deres koloniseringsplan.		89:7.3 (982.2) Even after most groups had ceased the ritual killing of children, it was the custom to put an infant away by itself, off in the wilderness or in a little boat on the water. If the child survived, it was thought that the gods had intervened to preserve him, as in the traditions of Sargon, Moses, Cyrus, and Romulus. Then came the practice of dedicating the first-born sons as sacred or sacrificial, allowing them to grow up and then exiling them in lieu of death; this was the origin of colonization. The Romans adhered to this custom in their scheme of colonization.
89:7.4 (982.3) Mange af de ejendommelige forbindelser af seksuel løssluppenhed med primitiv tilbedelse havde sin oprindelse i forbindelse med menneskeofringer. Hvis en kvinde i fortiden mødte hovedjægere, kunne hun indløse sit liv ved seksuel overgivelse. Senere kunne en jomfru som havde viet sit liv til guderne som et offer vælge at indløse sit liv ved at dedikere sin krop for livet til templets hellige sextjeneste; på denne måde, kunne hun tjene sin løsesum. Fortidens mennesker anså det for meget opløftende at have seksuelle relationer med en kvinde således engageret i at indløse sit liv. Det var en religiøs ceremoni at omgås disse hellige jomfruer, og derudover gav hele dette ritual en acceptabel undskyldning for dagligdagens seksuelle tilfredsstillelse. Det var en subtil form for selvbedrag, som både jomfruerne og deres ægtefæller med glæde helligede sig. Skikkene sakker altid bagud i civilisationens evolutionære fremskridt, og giver dermed sanktion til de tidligere og mere vilde seksuel skikke i de udviklende racer.		89:7.4 (982.3) Many of the peculiar associations of sex laxity with primitive worship had their origin in connection with human sacrifice. In olden times, if a woman met head-hunters, she could redeem her life by sexual surrender. Later, a maiden consecrated to the gods as a sacrifice might elect to redeem her life by dedicating her body for life to the sacred sex service of the temple; in this way she could earn her redemption money. The ancients regarded it as highly elevating to have sex relations with a woman thus engaged in ransoming her life. It was a religious ceremony to consort with these sacred maidens, and in addition, this whole ritual afforded an acceptable excuse for commonplace sexual gratification. This was a subtle species of self-deception which both the maidens and their consorts delighted to practice upon themselves. The mores always drag behind in the evolutionary advance of civilization, thus providing sanction for the earlier and more savagelike sex practices of the evolving races.
89:7.5 (982.4) Tempelprostitution spredte sig til sidst over hele det sydlige Europa og Asien. Pengene som de tempelprostituerede havde tjent blev holdt hellig blandt alle folkeslag—en værdifuld gave til guderne. Kvinder på højeste niveau udgjorde de seksuelle markeder i templerne og de viet deres indtjening til alle former for hellige tjenester og arbejde til gavn for offentligheden. Mange af de bedre klasser af kvinder samlede deres medgift ved midlertidig sextjeneste i templerne, og de fleste mænd foretrak at have sådanne kvinder til hustruer.		89:7.5 (982.4) Temple harlotry eventually spread throughout southern Europe and Asia. The money earned by the temple prostitutes was held sacred among all peoples—a high gift to present to the gods. The highest types of women thronged the temple sex marts and devoted their earnings to all kinds of sacred services and works of public good. Many of the better classes of women collected their dowries by temporary sex service in the temples, and most men preferred to have such women for wives.
8. Forløsning og pagter ^top		8. Redemption and Covenants ^top
89:8.1 (982.5) Offerindfrielse og tempelprostitution var i virkeligheden modifikationer af menneskeofringer. Dernæst kom den falske ofring af døtre. Denne ceremoni bestod af åreladning med indvielse til livslang jomfruelighed og var en moralsk reaktion på den ældre tempelprostitution. I nyere tid dedikerede jomfruer sig til tjenesten med at passe de hellige tempelbål.		89:8.1 (982.5) Sacrificial redemption and temple prostitution were in reality modifications of human sacrifice. Next came the mock sacrifice of daughters. This ceremony consisted in bloodletting, with dedication to lifelong virginity, and was a moral reaction to the older temple harlotry. In more recent times virgins dedicated themselves to the service of tending the sacred temple fires.
89:8.2 (982.6) Mennesket kom til sidst på den idé, at ofre en vis del af kroppen som kunne erstatte den ældre og hele menneskeofring. Fysisk lemlæstelse blev også anset for at være en acceptabel erstatning. Hår, negle, blod, og selv fingre og tæer blev ofret. Det senere og næsten universelle gamle omskæringsritual var en udløber af kulten med delvise ofre; det var et rent offer, og der var ingen tanke om hygiejne forbundet med det. Mænd blev omskåret, kvinder fik huller i ørerne.		89:8.2 (982.6) Men eventually conceived the idea that the offering of some part of the body could take the place of the older and complete human sacrifice. Physical mutilation was also considered to be an acceptable substitute. Hair, nails, blood, and even fingers and toes were sacrificed. The later and well-nigh universal ancient rite of circumcision was an outgrowth of the cult of partial sacrifice; it was purely sacrificial, no thought of hygiene being attached thereto. Men were circumcised; women had their ears pierced.
89:8.3 (983.1) Senere blev det skik at binde fingrene sammen i stedet for at skære dem af. Barbering af hovedet og klipning af håret var ligeledes former for religiøs hengivenhed. Fremstillingen af eunukker var først en modifikation af ideen om menneskeofring. Næse- og læbepiercing praktiseres stadig i Afrika, og tatovering er en kunstnerisk videreudvikling af den tidligere rå ardannelse på kroppen.		89:8.3 (983.1) Subsequently it became the custom to bind fingers together instead of cutting them off. Shaving the head and cutting the hair were likewise forms of religious devotion. The making of eunuchs was at first a modification of the idea of human sacrifice. Nose and lip piercing is still practiced in Africa, and tattooing is an artistic evolution of the earlier crude scarring of the body.
89:8.4 (983.2) Skikken med at ofre blev til sidst, som et resultat af den fremadskridende lære, forbundet med ideen om pagten. Endelig blev guderne opfattet som nogle, der indgik reelle aftaler med mennesket, og det var et stort skridt i stabiliseringen af religionen. Loven, en pagt, træder i stedet for held, frygt og overtro.		89:8.4 (983.2) The custom of sacrifice eventually became associated, as a result of advancing teachings, with the idea of the covenant. At last, the gods were conceived of as entering into real agreements with man; and this was a major step in the stabilization of religion. Law, a covenant, takes the place of luck, fear, and superstition.
89:8.5 (983.3) Mennesket kunne ikke engang drømme om at indgå en kontrakt med Guddommen, før dets forestilling om Gud var nået op på et niveau, hvor universets forvaltere blev opfattet som pålidelige. Og menneskets tidlige idé om Gud var så antropomorf, at det var ude af stand til at forestille sig en pålidelig guddom, før det selv blev relativt pålideligt, moralsk og etisk.		89:8.5 (983.3) Man could never even dream of entering into a contract with Deity until his concept of God had advanced to the level whereon the universe controllers were envisioned as dependable. And man’s early idea of God was so anthropomorphic that he was unable to conceive of a dependable Deity until he himself became relatively dependable, moral, and ethical.
89:8.6 (983.4) Men ideen om at indgå en pagt med guderne kom til sidst. Det evolutionære menneske opnåede til sidst en sådan moralsk værdighed, at han vovede at forhandle med sine guder. Og således udviklede offerhandlingen sig gradvist til et spil om menneskets filosofiske forhandling med Gud. Og alt dette repræsenterede et nyt redskab til at forsikre sig mod uheld eller snarere en forbedret teknik til mere definitivt at købe velstand. Lad være med at få den fejlagtige idé, at disse tidlige ofringer var en gratis gave til guderne, et spontant offer af taknemmelighed eller taksigelse; de var ikke udtryk for sand tilbedelse.		89:8.6 (983.4) But the idea of making a covenant with the gods did finally arrive. Evolutionary man eventually acquired such moral dignity that he dared to bargain with his gods. And so the business of offering sacrifices gradually developed into the game of man’s philosophic bargaining with God. And all this represented a new device for insuring against bad luck or, rather, an enhanced technique for the more definite purchase of prosperity. Do not entertain the mistaken idea that these early sacrifices were a free gift to the gods, a spontaneous offering of gratitude or thanksgiving; they were not expressions of true worship.
89:8.7 (983.5) Primitive former for bøn var hverken mere eller mindre end at forhandle med ånderne, et argument med guderne. Det var en slags byttehandel, hvor bøn og overtalelse blev erstattet af noget mere håndgribeligt og kostbart. Den voksende handel mellem racerne havde indprentet handelsånden og havde udviklet byttehandelens snuhed, og nu begyndte disse træk at dukke op i menneskets tilbedelsesmetoder. Og ligesom nogle mænd var bedre handlende end andre, blev nogle betragtet som bedre bedere end andre. En retfærdig mands bøn var højt værdsat. En retfærdig mand var en, der havde betalt alle regninger til ånderne, havde opfyldt alle rituelle forpligtelser over for guderne.		89:8.7 (983.5) Primitive forms of prayer were nothing more nor less than bargaining with the spirits, an argument with the gods. It was a kind of bartering in which pleading and persuasion were substituted for something more tangible and costly. The developing commerce of the races had inculcated the spirit of trade and had developed the shrewdness of barter; and now these traits began to appear in man’s worship methods. And as some men were better traders than others, so some were regarded as better prayers than others. The prayer of a just man was held in high esteem. A just man was one who had paid all accounts to the spirits, had fully discharged every ritual obligation to the gods.
89:8.8 (983.6) De tidlige bønner var næppe en form for tilbedelse; det var en forhandlingsbøn om sundhed, rigdom, og liv. I mange henseender har bønnerne ikke ændret sig meget gennem tidernes forløb. De læses stadig op af bøger, reciteres formelt, og skrives ned, så de kan placeres på hjul og hænges op i træer, hvor vindens blæst vil spare mennesket for besværet med at bruge sin egen ånde.		89:8.8 (983.6) Early prayer was hardly worship; it was a bargaining petition for health, wealth, and life. And in many respects prayers have not much changed with the passing of the ages. They are still read out of books, recited formally, and written out for emplacement on wheels and for hanging on trees, where the blowing of the winds will save man the trouble of expending his own breath.
9. Ofre og sakramenter ^top		9. Sacrifices and Sacraments ^top
89:9.1 (983.7) I løbet af de urantiske ritualers udvikling har menneskeofringen udviklet sig fra det blodige menneskeæderi til højere og mere symbolske niveauer. De tidlige offerritualer avlede de senere nadverceremonier. I nyere tid tog præsten alene del i en smule af det kannibalistiske offer eller en dråbe menneskeblod, og derefter tog alle del i dyreerstatningen. Disse tidlige ideer om løsepenge, forløsning og pagter har udviklet sig til de senere tiders sakramentale tjenester. Og hele denne ceremonielle udvikling har haft en mægtig socialiserende indflydelse.		89:9.1 (983.7) The human sacrifice, throughout the course of the evolution of Urantian rituals, has advanced from the bloody business of man-eating to higher and more symbolic levels. The early rituals of sacrifice bred the later ceremonies of sacrament. In more recent times the priest alone would partake of a bit of the cannibalistic sacrifice or a drop of human blood, and then all would partake of the animal substitute. These early ideas of ransom, redemption, and covenants have evolved into the later-day sacramental services. And all this ceremonial evolution has exerted a mighty socializing influence.
89:9.2 (984.1) I forbindelse med kulten af Guds Moder, i Mexico og andre steder, blev et sakramente af kager og vin til sidst brugt i stedet for kød og blod fra de ældre menneskeofre. Hebræerne praktiserede længe dette ritual som en del af deres påskeceremonier, og det var fra dette ceremoniel, at den senere kristne version af nadveren tog sin oprindelse.		89:9.2 (984.1) In connection with the Mother of God cult, in Mexico and elsewhere, a sacrament of cakes and wine was eventually utilized in lieu of the flesh and blood of the older human sacrifices. The Hebrews long practiced this ritual as a part of their Passover ceremonies, and it was from this ceremonial that the later Christian version of the sacrament took its origin.
89:9.3 (984.2) De gamle sociale broderskaber var baseret på ritualet med at drikke blod; det tidlige jødiske broderskab var en blod offer-affære. Paulus begyndte at bygge en ny kristen kult på “blodet fra den evige pagt.” Og selvom han måske unødigt belastede kristendommen med læresætninger om blod og ofre, gjorde han en gang for alle en ende på doktrinerne om forløsning gennem menneske- eller dyreofre. Hans teologiske kompromiser indikerer, at selv åbenbaringen må underkaste sig evolutionens gradvise kontrol. Ifølge Paulus blev Kristus det sidste og helt tilstrækkelige menneskeoffer; den guddommelige dommer er nu fuldt og evigt tilfredsstillet.		89:9.3 (984.2) The ancient social brotherhoods were based on the rite of blood drinking; the early Jewish fraternity was a sacrificial blood affair. Paul started out to build a new Christian cult on “the blood of the everlasting covenant.” And while he may have unnecessarily encumbered Christianity with teachings about blood and sacrifice, he did once and for all make an end of the doctrines of redemption through human or animal sacrifices. His theologic compromises indicate that even revelation must submit to the graduated control of evolution. According to Paul, Christ became the last and all-sufficient human sacrifice; the divine Judge is now fully and forever satisfied.
89:9.4 (984.3) Og således har offerkulten efter lange tidsaldre udviklet sig til sakramentskulten. Således er de moderne religioners sakramenter de legitime efterfølgere til de chokerende tidlige ceremonier med menneskeofringer og de endnu tidligere kannibalistiske ritualer. Mange er stadig afhængige af blod for at blive frelst, men det er i det mindste blevet billedligt, symbolsk og mystisk.		89:9.4 (984.3) And so, after long ages the cult of the sacrifice has evolved into the cult of the sacrament. Thus are the sacraments of modern religions the legitimate successors of those shocking early ceremonies of human sacrifice and the still earlier cannibalistic rituals. Many still depend upon blood for salvation, but it has at least become figurative, symbolic, and mystic.
10. Syndernes forladelse ^top		10. Forgiveness of Sin ^top
89:10.1 (984.4) Fortidens menneske opnåede kun bevidsthed om Guds nåde gennem ofring. Det moderne menneske må udvikle nye måder at opnå selvbevidsthed om frelse. Bevidstheden om synd fortsætter i det dødelige sind, men tankemønstrene til at frelse sig fra den er blevet forældede og antikverede. Det virkelige åndelige behov består, men intellektuelle fremskridt har ødelagt de gamle måder at sikre fred og trøst for sind og sjæl på.		89:10.1 (984.4) Ancient man only attained consciousness of favor with God through sacrifice. Modern man must develop new techniques of achieving the self-consciousness of salvation. The consciousness of sin persists in the mortal mind, but the thought patterns of salvation therefrom have become outworn and antiquated. The reality of the spiritual need persists, but intellectual progress has destroyed the olden ways of securing peace and consolation for mind and soul.
89:10.2 (984.5) Synden skal omdefineres som bevidst illoyalitet til Guddommen. Der er forskellige grader af illoyalitet: den delvise loyalitets ubeslutsomhed; den delte loyalitets konflikt; den døende loyalitets ligegyldighed; og loyalitets død udstillet i hengivenhed til gudløse idealer.		89:10.2 (984.5) Sin must be redefined as deliberate disloyalty to Deity. There are degrees of disloyalty: the partial loyalty of indecision; the divided loyalty of confliction; the dying loyalty of indifference; and the death of loyalty exhibited in devotion to godless ideals.
89:10.3 (984.6) Følelsen af skyld er bevidstheden om, at man har overtrådt normerne; det er ikke nødvendigvis synd. Der er ingen reel synd, hvis der ikke er tale om bevidst illoyalitet over for Guddommen.		89:10.3 (984.6) The sense or feeling of guilt is the consciousness of the violation of the mores; it is not necessarily sin. There is no real sin in the absence of conscious disloyalty to Deity.
89:10.4 (984.7) Muligheden for at anerkende skyldfølelsen er en transcendent udmærkelse for menneskeheden. Det markerer ikke mennesket som middelmådigt, men adskiller det snarere som et væsen af potentiel storhed og evigt stigende herlighed. En sådan følelse af uværdighed er den indledende stimulans, der hurtigt og sikkert bør føre til de troserobringer, der oversætter det dødelige sind til de fantastiske niveauer af moralsk adel, kosmisk indsigt og åndeligt liv; således ændres alle betydninger af den menneskelige eksistens fra det timelige til det evige, og alle værdier hæves fra det menneskelige til det guddommelige.		89:10.4 (984.7) The possibility of the recognition of the sense of guilt is a badge of transcendent distinction for mankind. It does not mark man as mean but rather sets him apart as a creature of potential greatness and ever-ascending glory. Such a sense of unworthiness is the initial stimulus that should lead quickly and surely to those faith conquests which translate the mortal mind to the superb levels of moral nobility, cosmic insight, and spiritual living; thus are all the meanings of human existence changed from the temporal to the eternal, and all values are elevated from the human to the divine.
89:10.5 (984.8) Syndsbekendelse er en menneskelig afvisning af illoyalitet, men den mildner på ingen måde konsekvenserne i tid og rum af en sådan illoyalitet. Men bekendelse—oprigtig anerkendelse af syndens natur—er afgørende for religiøs vækst og åndelig fremgang.		89:10.5 (984.8) The confession of sin is a manful repudiation of disloyalty, but it in no wise mitigates the time-space consequences of such disloyalty. But confession—sincere recognition of the nature of sin—is essential to religious growth and spiritual progress.
89:10.6 (985.1) Guddommens syndsforladelse er en fornyelse af loyalitetsforholdet efter en periode, hvor mennesket har været bevidst om, at dette forhold er bortfaldet som følge af bevidst oprør. Tilgivelsen behøver ikke at blive søgt, kun modtaget som bevidstheden om genetablering af loyalitetsforhold mellem skabningen og Skaberen. Og alle Guds loyale sønner er lykkelige, tjenestekærlige og gør stadige fremskridt i opstigningen til Paradis.		89:10.6 (985.1) The forgiveness of sin by Deity is the renewal of loyalty relations following a period of the human consciousness of the lapse of such relations as the consequence of conscious rebellion. The forgiveness does not have to be sought, only received as the consciousness of re-establishment of loyalty relations between the creature and the Creator. And all the loyal sons of God are happy, service-loving, and ever-progressive in the Paradise ascent.
89:10.7 (985.2) [Præsenteret af en Strålende Aftenstjerne fra Nebadon.]		89:10.7 (985.2) [Presented by a Brilliant Evening Star of Nebadon.]