第83篇		Paper 83
婚姻制度		The Marriage Institution
83:0.1 (922.1) 这是一篇对婚姻制度之早期发端的述说。它从群居者随意而杂乱的交配，经过许多变化和调整，乃至稳步演进成那些最终以成对交配之实现而告终的婚姻规范，成对交配即一男一女的结合，为的是创建一个包含了最高等社会秩序的家庭。		83:0.1 (922.1) THIS is the recital of the early beginnings of the institution of marriage. It has progressed steadily from the loose and promiscuous matings of the herd through many variations and adaptations, even to the appearance of those marriage standards which eventually culminated in the realization of pair matings, the union of one man and one woman to establish a home of the highest social order.
83:0.2 (922.2) 婚姻曾历经危殆，而婚姻习俗也曾严重依靠过财产和宗教来支撑；不过永远保障婚姻及由此产生家庭的真正影响，是这一简单而固有的生物学事实，即男女若没有彼此便断然不会生存下去，不管他们是最为原始的野蛮人，还是最有教养的凡人。		83:0.2 (922.2) Marriage has been many times in jeopardy, and the marriage mores have drawn heavily on both property and religion for support; but the real influence which forever safeguards marriage and the resultant family is the simple and innate biologic fact that men and women positively will not live without each other, be they the most primitive savages or the most cultured mortals.
83:0.3 (922.3) 正是由于性冲动，才使得自私的人类被诱惑用自身造出好过动物的事物。自重自足的性关系，要承担某些自律的后果，并要确保承担一些利他的义务，以及众多使种族受益的家庭责任。据此，性成了野蛮人未曾认出及未曾想到的启化剂；因为正是这种性冲动自动而可靠地迫使人类去思考，并最终将他引向爱。		83:0.3 (922.3) It is because of the sex urge that selfish man is lured into making something better than an animal out of himself. The self-regarding and self-gratifying sex relationship entails the certain consequences of self-denial and insures the assumption of altruistic duties and numerous race-benefiting home responsibilities. Herein has sex been the unrecognized and unsuspected civilizer of the savage; for this same sex impulse automatically and unerringly compels man to think and eventually leads him to love.
1. 婚姻作为一种社会制度 ^top		1. Marriage as a Societal Institution ^top
83:1.1 (922.4) 婚姻是一种社会机制，旨在管控那些起于两性之物理事实的诸多人际关系。作为这样一种制度，婚姻在如下两方面发挥作用：		83:1.1 (922.4) Marriage is society’s mechanism designed to regulate and control those many human relations which arise out of the physical fact of bisexuality. As such an institution, marriage functions in two directions:
83:1.2 (922.5) 1. 在个人性关系的规管方面。		83:1.2 (922.5) 1. In the regulation of personal sex relations.
83:1.3 (922.6) 2. 在血统、遗传、继承以及社会秩序的规管方面，这是其较为古老且原初的作用。		83:1.3 (922.6) 2. In the regulation of descent, inheritance, succession, and social order, this being its older and original function.
83:1.4 (922.7) 源于婚姻的家庭，与财产习俗一起，是婚姻制度的稳定剂。婚姻稳定方面的其它强有力因素是自尊心、虚荣心、侠义感、责任感和宗教信念。然而尽管婚姻或许为上天所赞成或反对，但它们却终非上天所安排。人类家庭是一种明显人性的制度，是一种进化性的发展。婚姻是一种社会制度，但却不是教会的一个部门。诚然，宗教应对其有强烈的影响，但却不应专门对其从事控制和规管。		83:1.4 (922.7) The family, which grows out of marriage, is itself a stabilizer of the marriage institution together with the property mores. Other potent factors in marriage stability are pride, vanity, chivalry, duty, and religious convictions. But while marriages may be approved or disapproved on high, they are hardly made in heaven. The human family is a distinctly human institution, an evolutionary development. Marriage is an institution of society, not a department of the church. True, religion should mightily influence it but should not undertake exclusively to control and regulate it.
83:1.5 (922.8) 原始婚姻主要是产业性的；甚至在现代时期，它通常也是一种社会性或商业性事务。通过安德族血统融合之影响，以及作为先进文明习俗的结果，婚姻逐渐变得充满相互性、浪漫性、亲情性、诗意性、情感性、伦理性乃至理想性。然而在原始的婚配中，拣选及所谓的浪漫爱情却是最低限度的。在早期，丈夫和妻子很少在一起；他们甚至不经常在一起吃饭。但在古代人中间，个人情感与性吸引并不紧密相连；他们在很大程度上是由于一起生活和工作才变得喜欢彼此。		83:1.5 (922.8) Primitive marriage was primarily industrial; and even in modern times it is often a social or business affair. Through the influence of the mixture of the Andite stock and as a result of the mores of advancing civilization, marriage is slowly becoming mutual, romantic, parental, poetical, affectionate, ethical, and even idealistic. Selection and so-called romantic love, however, were at a minimum in primitive mating. During early times husband and wife were not much together; they did not even eat together very often. But among the ancients, personal affection was not strongly linked to sex attraction; they became fond of one another largely because of living and working together.
2. 求爱与订婚 ^top		2. Courtship and Betrothal ^top
83:2.1 (923.1) 原始婚姻总是由男孩和女孩的父母所计划的。介于这一习俗和自由选择时期之间的过渡阶段，则是由婚姻经纪人或是职业媒人所占据了。这些媒人起初是理发师；后来则是祭司。婚姻最初是一种集体事务；后来则成为一种家庭事务；只有近来它才成为一种个人冒险。		83:2.1 (923.1) Primitive marriages were always planned by the parents of the boy and girl. The transition stage between this custom and the times of free choosing was occupied by the marriage broker or professional matchmaker. These matchmakers were at first the barbers; later, the priests. Marriage was originally a group affair; then a family matter; only recently has it become an individual adventure.
83:2.2 (923.2) 强制、而非吸引，是原始婚姻的方式。在早期，女人并没有任何性冷淡，只有被习俗所灌输的性自卑。正如劫掠先于贸易一样，俘获式婚姻也先于契约式婚姻。有些女人愿顺从于被俘获，以便摆脱她们部落老年男子的支配。她们宁愿落入来自另一部落的同龄男人手中。这种假私奔，是介于武力俘获和后来迷人求爱之间的过渡阶段。		83:2.2 (923.2) Coercion, not attraction, was the approach to primitive marriage. In early times woman had no sex aloofness, only sex inferiority as inculcated by the mores. As raiding preceded trading, so marriage by capture preceded marriage by contract. Some women would connive at capture in order to escape the domination of the older men of their tribe; they preferred to fall into the hands of men of their own age from another tribe. This pseudo elopement was the transition stage between capture by force and subsequent courtship by charming.
83:2.3 (923.3) 一种早期类型的结婚典礼是模拟逃跑，即一种私奔的排演，这一度是一种普遍的做法。后来，模拟俘获成为了正规结婚典礼的一部分。一个现代女孩拒受“俘获”的矫饰，都是古时习俗的遗风。将新娘背过门槛，是对一些古时做法的追忆，其中包括偷妻时代。		83:2.3 (923.3) An early type of wedding ceremony was the mimic flight, a sort of elopement rehearsal which was once a common practice. Later, mock capture became a part of the regular wedding ceremony. A modern girl’s pretensions to resist “capture,” to be reticent toward marriage, are all relics of olden customs. The carrying of the bride over the threshold is reminiscent of a number of ancient practices, among others, of the days of wife stealing.
83:2.4 (923.4) 女人长久以来都被拒绝了婚姻中自我支配的完全自由，但比较明智的女人总是能够通过其心计的聪明运用来避开这一限制。男人通常在求爱中占据主动，但并非总是如此。女人有时会正式地、也会偷偷摸摸地求婚。随着文明进步，女人也逐渐参与到求爱和结婚的所有阶段中。		83:2.4 (923.4) Woman was long denied full freedom of self-disposal in marriage, but the more intelligent women have always been able to circumvent this restriction by the clever exercise of their wits. Man has usually taken the lead in courtship, but not always. Woman sometimes formally, as well as covertly, initiates marriage. And as civilization has progressed, women have had an increasing part in all phases of courtship and marriage.
83:2.5 (923.5) 婚前求爱中渐增的爱情、浪漫和个人选择，是安德族对世界各种族的一种贡献。两性之间的关系正在顺利地演进着；许多先进的民族逐渐用有点理想化的性吸引观念，来取代那些更为古老的利用和占有动机。在选择生活伴侣方面，性冲动和深爱感正开始取代冷冰冰的算计。		83:2.5 (923.5) Increasing love, romance, and personal selection in premarital courtship are an Andite contribution to the world races. The relations between the sexes are evolving favorably; many advancing peoples are gradually substituting somewhat idealized concepts of sex attraction for those older motives of utility and ownership. Sex impulse and feelings of affection are beginning to displace cold calculation in the choosing of life partners.
83:2.6 (923.6) 最初，订婚等同于结婚；在早期民族中间，性关系在订婚期间是约定俗成的。在近来时期，宗教在订婚与结婚期间设置了一种性禁忌。		83:2.6 (923.6) The betrothal was originally equivalent to marriage; and among early peoples sex relations were conventional during the engagement. In recent times, religion has established a sex taboo on the period between betrothal and marriage.
3. 买婚和嫁妆 ^top		3. Purchase and Dowry ^top
83:3.1 (923.7) 古人不信任爱情和许诺；他们认为持久的结合必须要由某种有形的担保、即财产来得以保障。由于这一原因，妻子的买价便被视为一种罚金或是押金，如果发生离婚或遗弃，那么丈夫就注定要失去它。一旦支付了新娘的买价，许多部落就会允许丈夫的印记被烙在她身上。非洲人仍在买妻。他们把爱妻或是白人的妻子比作一只猫，因为她分文不花。		83:3.1 (923.7) The ancients mistrusted love and promises; they thought that abiding unions must be guaranteed by some tangible security, property. For this reason, the purchase price of a wife was regarded as a forfeit or deposit which the husband was doomed to lose in case of divorce or desertion. Once the purchase price of a bride had been paid, many tribes permitted the husband’s brand to be burned upon her. Africans still buy their wives. A love wife, or a white man’s wife, they compare to a cat because she costs nothing.
83:3.2 (924.1) 新娘秀是把女孩子们盛装打扮起来而进行公共展示的场合，想让她们带来更高的买妻价。但她们不曾像动物那般被卖出 -- 在后来的部落中间，这样的妻子是不可转让的。她的买卖也不总是一种冷血的金钱交易；接待态度与买妻的付款相等值。如果一个其他方面合意的男子无法买妻，那么他可被女方的父亲收养为儿子，然后就可以成婚了。如果一个穷困男子找到了一位妻子，而无法满足一个贪婪父亲所要的价钱，那么长老们通常会给这位父亲施加压力，这会导致其要价的改变，不然就会有一场私奔。		83:3.2 (924.1) The bride shows were occasions for dressing up and decorating daughters for public exhibition with the idea of their bringing higher prices as wives. But they were not sold as animals—among the later tribes such a wife was not transferable. Neither was her purchase always just a cold-blooded money transaction; service was equivalent to cash in the purchase of a wife. If an otherwise desirable man could not pay for his wife, he could be adopted as a son by the girl’s father and then could marry. And if a poor man sought a wife and could not meet the price demanded by a grasping father, the elders would often bring pressure to bear upon the father which would result in a modification of his demands, or else there might be an elopement.
83:3.3 (924.2) 随着文明进步，父亲们不再想表现出卖女儿，因此，虽然继续接受新娘的买价，他们还开创了给伴侣珍贵礼物的习俗，这些礼物大体相当于买金。随着后来不再继续为新娘付款，这些礼物就成为了新娘的嫁妆。		83:3.3 (924.2) As civilization progressed, fathers did not like to appear to sell their daughters, and so, while continuing to accept the bride purchase price, they initiated the custom of giving the pair valuable presents which about equaled the purchase money. And upon the later discontinuance of payment for the bride, these presents became the bride’s dowry.
83:3.4 (924.3) 嫁妆的观念是要传达新娘独立的印象，表明远离了奴隶妻子和财产附庸的时代。一名男子若无法返还全部嫁妆费，那他就无法与有嫁妆的妻子离婚。在某些部落中，新娘和新郎的父母会提供一笔共同的押金，如果发生一方遗弃另一方，那么这笔押金就要丧失，实际上是一种婚姻债券。在从买婚到嫁妆的过渡时期中，如果妻子是被买来的，那么孩子就属于父亲；如果不是，那么他们就属于妻子的家族。		83:3.4 (924.3) The idea of a dowry was to convey the impression of the bride’s independence, to suggest far removal from the times of slave wives and property companions. A man could not divorce a dowered wife without paying back the dowry in full. Among some tribes a mutual deposit was made with the parents of both bride and groom to be forfeited in case either deserted the other, in reality a marriage bond. During the period of transition from purchase to dowry, if the wife were purchased, the children belonged to the father; if not, they belonged to the wife’s family.
4. 结婚典礼 ^top		4. The Wedding Ceremony ^top
83:4.1 (924.4) 结婚典礼源于这样一个事实，即结婚原本是一种团体事务，而非只是两名个人决定之极点。婚姻不但是个人的盛事，也是集体关心的事。		83:4.1 (924.4) The wedding ceremony grew out of the fact that marriage was originally a community affair, not just the culmination of a decision of two individuals. Mating was of group concern as well as a personal function.
83:4.2 (924.5) 巫术、仪式和典礼围绕着古人的整个生活，而婚姻也不例外。随着文明进步，随着婚姻变得愈加受到认真看待，结婚典礼也变得愈加铺张。早期的婚姻是财产利益方面的一个要素，甚至如今天这般，因此它需要一个法定的仪式，同时以后孩子的社会地位也要求尽可能多的公众注意。原始人类没有记录；因此结婚典礼必须要由很多人来见证。		83:4.2 (924.5) Magic, ritual, and ceremony surrounded the entire life of the ancients, and marriage was no exception. As civilization advanced, as marriage became more seriously regarded, the wedding ceremony became increasingly pretentious. Early marriage was a factor in property interests, even as it is today, and therefore required a legal ceremony, while the social status of subsequent children demanded the widest possible publicity. Primitive man had no records; therefore must the marriage ceremony be witnessed by many persons.
83:4.3 (924.6) 起初，结婚典礼与订婚更为类似，只包括对一起生活之意愿的公示。后来它包括了正式一起吃顿饭。在某些部落中间，父母简单地将其女儿交给丈夫；在其他情况下，仅有的典礼是正式交换礼物，此后新娘的父亲会将她交给新郎。在许多黎凡特民族中间，免除一切繁文缛节变成了习俗，结婚因性关系而得以完成。红种人最先发展出了比较繁复的结婚庆典。		83:4.3 (924.6) At first the wedding ceremony was more on the order of a betrothal and consisted only in public notification of intention of living together; later it consisted in formal eating together. Among some tribes the parents simply took their daughter to the husband; in other cases the only ceremony was the formal exchange of presents, after which the bride’s father would present her to the groom. Among many Levantine peoples it was the custom to dispense with all formality, marriage being consummated by sex relations. The red man was the first to develop the more elaborate celebration of weddings.
83:4.4 (924.7) 无子女曾是极为可怕的，由于不孕被认为是精灵作祟所为，确保生育力的诸多努力也导致了婚姻与某些魔法性或宗教性仪式的结合。在这一确保幸福多育婚姻的努力中，使用了许多护符；甚至连占星家也受到请教，来查明婚约双方的出生星象。在富有民众中间，人祭一度曾是所有婚礼的一个固定特色。		83:4.4 (924.7) Childlessness was greatly dreaded, and since barrenness was attributed to spirit machinations, efforts to insure fecundity also led to the association of marriage with certain magical or religious ceremonials. And in this effort to insure a happy and fertile marriage, many charms were employed; even the astrologers were consulted to ascertain the birth stars of the contracting parties. At one time the human sacrifice was a regular feature of all weddings among well-to-do people.
83:4.5 (925.1) 吉日会被挑选出来，星期四被认为是最为有利的，而在满月时举行婚礼会被认为是非常幸运的。许多近东民族的习俗是往新婚人身上扔谷物；这是一种被认为是确保生育力的魔法仪式。某些东方民族用米粒来达到这一目的。		83:4.5 (925.1) Lucky days were sought out, Thursday being most favorably regarded, and weddings celebrated at the full of the moon were thought to be exceptionally fortunate. It was the custom of many Near Eastern peoples to throw grain upon the newlyweds; this was a magical rite which was supposed to insure fecundity. Certain Oriental peoples used rice for this purpose.
83:4.6 (925.2) 一直以来，火和水都被认为是抵御鬼魂和邪灵的最佳手段；因此，祭坛的圣火和点燃的蜡烛，以及圣水的洗礼性喷洒，通常都可在结婚典礼上看到。长久以来合乎习俗的是，设上一个假的结婚日，然后又突然延迟该事以摆脱鬼神的跟踪。		83:4.6 (925.2) Fire and water were always considered the best means of resisting ghosts and evil spirits; hence altar fires and lighted candles, as well as the baptismal sprinkling of holy water, were usually in evidence at weddings. For a long time it was customary to set a false wedding day and then suddenly postpone the event so as to put the ghosts and spirits off the track.
83:4.7 (925.3) 作弄新婚之人以及对度蜜月的人搞恶作剧，都是那些久远岁月中的遗俗，当时认为在鬼神面前表现出痛苦不安的样子，是为了避免引起它们的嫉妒。新娘面纱的穿戴，是旧时的一种遗俗，当时认为有必要把新娘伪装起来，这样鬼魂或许不会认出她，也可掩藏她的美貌以不让那些否则羡慕嫉妒的精灵们看到。在婚礼之前，新娘的脚不能着地。甚至在二十世纪基督教的习俗下，将地毯从婚车停靠地铺到教堂祭坛仍是一种惯例。		83:4.7 (925.3) The teasing of newlyweds and the pranks played upon honeymooners are all relics of those far-distant days when it was thought best to appear miserable and ill at ease in the sight of the spirits so as to avoid arousing their envy. The wearing of the bridal veil is a relic of the times when it was considered necessary to disguise the bride so that ghosts might not recognize her and also to hide her beauty from the gaze of the otherwise jealous and envious spirits. The bride’s feet must never touch the ground just prior to the ceremony. Even in the twentieth century it is still the custom under the Christian mores to stretch carpets from the carriage landing to the church altar.
83:4.8 (925.4) 最古老的婚礼形式之一是让一位祭司为婚床祈福，以确保这一结合的多产；在任何正式的婚礼仪式得以确立之前许久，就已经这样做了。在这段婚俗的演进时期中，参加婚礼的客人曾被要求在夜晚鱼贯穿过新房，由此构成了完婚的合法见证。		83:4.8 (925.4) One of the most ancient forms of the wedding ceremony was to have a priest bless the wedding bed to insure the fertility of the union; this was done long before any formal wedding ritual was established. During this period in the evolution of the marriage mores the wedding guests were expected to file through the bedchamber at night, thus constituting legal witness to the consummation of marriage.
83:4.9 (925.5) 尽管有众多婚前测试，但某些婚姻仍然结局不好，这种运气成分使得原始人寻求保障来防止婚姻失败；也使得他去寻求祭司和巫术。这一运动直接以现代教堂婚礼而告终。但很长时间以来，人们普遍认为婚姻在于缔约双方父母的决定 -- 后来才在于伴侣的决定 -- 而在过去五百年以来，教会和国家承担了管辖权，而今有权对结婚做出宣告。		83:4.9 (925.5) The luck element, that in spite of all premarital tests certain marriages turned out bad, led primitive man to seek insurance protection against marriage failure; led him to go in quest of priests and magic. And this movement culminated directly in modern church weddings. But for a long time marriage was generally recognized as consisting in the decisions of the contracting parents—later of the pair—while for the last five hundred years church and state have assumed jurisdiction and now presume to make pronouncements of marriage.
5. 多婚制 ^top		5. Plural Marriages ^top
83:5.1 (925.6) 在早期的婚姻史中，未婚女子本属于该部落中的男子。后来，一个女子一时只拥有一个丈夫。这种一时一个男人的做法，是脱离群居式乱交的第一步。尽管一个女子只获许有一个男人，但她的丈夫却可以随意断绝这种暂时的关系。不过，这些受松散规管的结合方式是脱离成群生活、迈向成对生活的第一步。在这一婚姻发展阶段，孩子通常属于母亲。		83:5.1 (925.6) In the early history of marriage the unmarried women belonged to the men of the tribe. Later on, a woman had only one husband at a time. This practice of one-man-at-a-time was the first step away from the promiscuity of the herd. While a woman was allowed but one man, her husband could sever such temporary relationships at will. But these loosely regulated associations were the first step toward living pairwise in distinction to living herdwise. In this stage of marriage development children usually belonged to the mother.
83:5.2 (925.7) 婚姻演进的下一步是集体婚姻。这一公有制婚姻阶段之所以必然介入到家庭生活的演变中，是因为婚姻习俗还没有强大到足以让成对结合持续下来。兄妹婚姻就属于这一类；一家的五个兄弟会与另一家的五个姐妹结婚。全世界较为松散的公有制婚姻形式，都逐渐演变为各种类型的集体婚姻。这些集体结合在很大程度上受到了图腾习俗的规管。家庭生活缓慢而稳定地发展起来，因为性事和婚姻规则通过确保大部分孩子的存续，从而有助于部落本身的存续。		83:5.2 (925.7) The next step in mating evolution was the group marriage. This communal phase of marriage had to intervene in the unfolding of family life because the marriage mores were not yet strong enough to make pair associations permanent. The brother and sister marriages belonged to this group; five brothers of one family would marry five sisters of another. All over the world the looser forms of communal marriage gradually evolved into various types of group marriage. And these group associations were largely regulated by the totem mores. Family life slowly and surely developed because sex and marriage regulation favored the survival of the tribe itself by insuring the survival of larger numbers of children.
83:5.3 (926.1) 在一些较先进的部落中间新兴的多偶制 -- 即一夫多妻制和一妻多夫制面前，集体婚姻逐渐让路了。但一妻多夫制从未广泛存在过，它通常只限于女王和贵妇；此外，几个兄弟共享一个妻子通常是一种家庭事务。社会等级和经济限制有时使得几个男子不得不满足于共享一个妻子。即便当时，这个女子也只与一个结婚，而其它兄弟则被松散地容为其共同后代的“叔伯”。		83:5.3 (926.1) Group marriages gradually gave way before the emerging practices of polygamy—polygyny and polyandry—among the more advanced tribes. But polyandry was never general, being usually limited to queens and rich women; furthermore, it was customarily a family affair, one wife for several brothers. Caste and economic restrictions sometimes made it necessary for several men to content themselves with one wife. Even then, the woman would marry only one, the others being loosely tolerated as “uncles” of the joint progeny.
83:5.4 (926.2) 犹太人的习俗要求一名男子与他已故兄弟的孀妻结合，为的是“抚养他兄弟的后代”，这是大半个古代世界所有过的习俗。这是婚姻当时为一种家庭事务而非个体结合所在时代的一种遗俗。		83:5.4 (926.2) The Jewish custom requiring that a man consort with his deceased brother’s widow for the purpose of “raising up seed for his brother,” was the custom of more than half the ancient world. This was a relic of the time when marriage was a family affair rather than an individual association.
83:5.5 (926.3) 在不同时代，一夫多妻制承认以下四类妻子：		83:5.5 (926.3) The institution of polygyny recognized, at various times, four sorts of wives:
83:5.6 (926.4) 1. 正式或是法定的妻子。		83:5.6 (926.4) 1. The ceremonial or legal wives.
83:5.7 (926.5) 2. 有感情且获许可的妻子。		83:5.7 (926.5) 2. Wives of affection and permission.
83:5.8 (926.6) 3. 妾，即契约性的妻子。		83:5.8 (926.6) 3. Concubines, contractual wives.
83:5.9 (926.7) 4. 奴隶妻子。		83:5.9 (926.7) 4. Slave wives.
83:5.10 (926.8) 真正的一夫多妻，即所有的妻子都有平等地位且所有孩子也平等，是非常少见的。通常，即便是多婚，家庭也是由发妻、即有地位的伴侣所主导的。她单独有过仪式性结婚典礼，而且只有这样一个买来的或是有嫁妆的配偶所生的孩子才能继承，除非经这位有地位妻子的特殊安排以外。		83:5.10 (926.8) True polygyny, where all the wives are of equal status and all the children equal, has been very rare. Usually, even with plural marriages, the home was dominated by the head wife, the status companion. She alone had the ritual wedding ceremony, and only the children of such a purchased or dowered spouse could inherit unless by special arrangement with the status wife.
83:5.11 (926.9) 有地位的妻子未必是爱妻；在早期时代，她通常不是。爱妻，或是爱人，直到各种族相当进步之时才出现，尤其是在进化各族与诺德族人和亚当族人融合之后。		83:5.11 (926.9) The status wife was not necessarily the love wife; in early times she usually was not. The love wife, or sweetheart, did not appear until the races were considerably advanced, more particularly after the blending of the evolutionary tribes with the Nodites and Adamites.
83:5.12 (926.10) 禁妻 -- 即单一具合法地位的妻子 -- 造成了纳妾的习俗。在这些习俗下，一名男子可能只拥有一名妻子，但他却可以与任意数量的妾保持性关系。纳妾制是一夫一妻制的踏脚石，是远离露骨一夫多妻制的第一步。犹太人、罗马人和中国人的妾，时常都是妻子的侍女。后来，正如在犹太人当中那样，法定妻子被视为丈夫所有孩子的母亲。		83:5.12 (926.10) The taboo wife—one wife of legal status—created the concubine mores. Under these mores a man might have only one wife, but he could maintain sex relations with any number of concubines. Concubinage was the steppingstone to monogamy, the first move away from frank polygyny. The concubines of the Jews, Romans, and Chinese were very frequently the handmaidens of the wife. Later on, as among the Jews, the legal wife was looked upon as the mother of all children born to the husband.
83:5.13 (926.11) 古时与怀孕或喂奶的妻子在性关系上的禁忌，极大地促进了一夫多妻制。原始时代的女子由于频繁地分娩和辛勤劳作，很早就变老了。（这些负担过重的妻子设法生存下来，仅是由于她们在没怀孕时每月有一周时间独处这一事实。）这样的妻子通常厌倦了生养孩子，会请求她丈夫再娶一个更年轻的妻子，既能帮助生养孩子又能帮助做家务。因此新的妻子们通常会受到年长配偶的热情招呼；并不存在任何与性嫉妒相似的情况。		83:5.13 (926.11) The olden taboos on sex relations with a pregnant or nursing wife tended greatly to foster polygyny. Primitive women aged very early because of frequent childbearing coupled with hard work. (Such overburdened wives only managed to exist by virtue of the fact that they were put in isolation one week out of each month when they were not heavy with child.) Such a wife often grew tired of bearing children and would request her husband to take a second and younger wife, one able to help with both childbearing and the domestic work. The new wives were therefore usually hailed with delight by the older spouses; there existed nothing on the order of sex jealousy.
83:5.14 (926.12) 妻子的数目只受供养她们男人能力的限制。能干富有的男人想要大量孩子，而由于当时婴儿死亡率非常高，因此就需要一大帮妻子来充实一个大家庭。这样多的妻子中有许多都仅仅是劳力，即奴妻。		83:5.14 (926.12) The number of wives was only limited by the ability of the man to provide for them. Wealthy and able men wanted large numbers of children, and since the infant mortality was very high, it required an assembly of wives to recruit a large family. Many of these plural wives were mere laborers, slave wives.
83:5.15 (927.1) 人类的习俗会演进，但却演进得非常缓慢。后宫的目的在于为扶持王位积累一个强大而为数众多的血亲团。某个首领曾被说服不应拥有后宫，而应满足于一位妻子；因此他迅速遣散了他的后宫。不满的妻子们回到娘家，而她们受冒犯的亲戚们则气势汹汹冲到首领那儿，当即将他废黜了。		83:5.15 (927.1) Human customs evolve, but very slowly. The purpose of a harem was to build up a strong and numerous body of blood kin for the support of the throne. A certain chief was once convinced that he should not have a harem, that he should be contented with one wife; so he promptly dismissed his harem. The dissatisfied wives went to their homes, and their offended relatives swept down on the chief in wrath and did away with him then and there.
6. 真正的一夫一妻制 -- 配对婚姻 ^top		6. True Monogamy—Pair Marriage ^top
83:6.1 (927.2) 一夫一妻制是独占性的；它对于那些达到了这种合意状态的人来说是好的，但对于那些并不如此幸运的人来说，却易于招致一种生物性的困苦。但不管对个人的影响如何，对于子女们来说，一夫一妻制无疑是最适合的。		83:6.1 (927.2) Monogamy is monopoly; it is good for those who attain this desirable state, but it tends to work a biologic hardship on those who are not so fortunate. But quite regardless of the effect on the individual, monogamy is decidedly best for the children.
83:6.2 (927.3) 一夫一妻制是独占性的；它对于那些达到了这种合意状态的人来说是好的，但对于那些并不如此幸运的人来说，却易于招致一种生物性的困苦。但不管对个人的影响如何，对于子女们来说，一夫一妻制无疑是最适合的。		83:6.2 (927.3) The earliest monogamy was due to force of circumstances, poverty. Monogamy is cultural and societal, artificial and unnatural, that is, unnatural to evolutionary man. It was wholly natural to the purer Nodites and Adamites and has been of great cultural value to all advanced races.
83:6.3 (927.4) 迦勒底部落认可妻子有权将不再娶第二个妻子或小妾的婚前承诺强加到其配偶身上；希腊人和罗马人都赞成一夫一妻制婚姻。祖先崇拜也一直促进了一夫一妻制，正如基督教将婚姻视为圣事的误见所促成的一样。即便是生活水平的提高也始终阻滞了多妻制。到迈克尔降临玉苒厦(Urantia)的时代，几乎整个文明世界都达到了理论上的一夫一妻制层次。但这种被动性的一夫一妻制，并不意味着人类已习惯于真正配对婚姻的做法了。		83:6.3 (927.4) The Chaldean tribes recognized the right of a wife to impose a premarital pledge upon her spouse not to take a second wife or concubine; both the Greeks and the Romans favored monogamous marriage. Ancestor worship has always fostered monogamy, as has the Christian error of regarding marriage as a sacrament. Even the elevation of the standard of living has consistently militated against plural wives. By the time of Michael’s advent on Urantia practically all of the civilized world had attained the level of theoretical monogamy. But this passive monogamy did not mean that mankind had become habituated to the practice of real pair marriage.
83:6.4 (927.5) 理想的配对婚姻，毕竟在某种程度上是一种独占性的性结合，在追求这种一夫一妻制目标的同时，社会切不可忽视那些不幸男女所处的尴尬境地，即便他们尽力配合并顺应这种新而改良的社会秩序之要求，但还是未能在其中找到一席之地。没能在社会竞技场中获得伴侣，可能是由于现行习俗所强加的难以克服的困难或是多种多样的限制。诚然，一夫一妻制对于那些身处其中的人来说是理想的，但对于那些被遗忘在冷酷独身境地中的人来说，却必定造成了巨大的困难。		83:6.4 (927.5) While pursuing the monogamic goal of the ideal pair marriage, which is, after all, something of a monopolistic sex association, society must not overlook the unenviable situation of those unfortunate men and women who fail to find a place in this new and improved social order, even when having done their best to co-operate with, and enter into, its requirements. Failure to gain mates in the social arena of competition may be due to insurmountable difficulties or multitudinous restrictions which the current mores have imposed. Truly, monogamy is ideal for those who are in, but it must inevitably work great hardship on those who are left out in the cold of solitary existence.
83:6.5 (927.6) 在演进文明不断发展的习俗之下，大多数人可能会跟着前进，而总有少数不幸的人会遭受苦难；但受惠的大多数总应怀着善意和体贴去看待其较为不幸的同伴们，后者必须要付出没能获得资格进入那些理想性伙伴关系所在行列的代价，这些性伙伴关系在渐进性社会演化之最高等习俗的认可下为所有生物性冲动提供了满足。		83:6.5 (927.6) Always have the unfortunate few had to suffer that the majority might advance under the developing mores of evolving civilization; but always should the favored majority look with kindness and consideration on their less fortunate fellows who must pay the price of failure to attain membership in the ranks of those ideal sex partnerships which afford the satisfaction of all biologic urges under the sanction of the highest mores of advancing social evolution.
83:6.6 (927.7) 一夫一妻制一直曾经是、现在是、并将永远是人类性演进的理想目标。这一真正的配对婚姻理念需要克己，因此它经常容易失败，正因为缔约双方中的一方或两方缺乏那种人类美德之极致、即严格的自制。		83:6.6 (927.7) Monogamy always has been, now is, and forever will be the idealistic goal of human sex evolution. This ideal of true pair marriage entails self-denial, and therefore does it so often fail just because one or both of the contracting parties are deficient in that acme of all human virtues, rugged self-control.
83:6.7 (927.8) 一夫一妻制是衡量有别于纯生物进化的社会文明进步之准绳。一夫一妻制未必是生物性或是自然性的，但它对于社会文明之当前维持和未来发展都是必不可少的。它有助于情感的细腻，品德的精炼以及灵性的成长，而这些在多配偶制当中都是完全不可能的。当一个女人一直被迫为赢得丈夫的喜爱而参与争宠，那么她就永远无法成为一个理想的母亲。		83:6.7 (927.8) Monogamy is the yardstick which measures the advance of social civilization as distinguished from purely biologic evolution. Monogamy is not necessarily biologic or natural, but it is indispensable to the immediate maintenance and further development of social civilization. It contributes to a delicacy of sentiment, a refinement of moral character, and a spiritual growth which are utterly impossible in polygamy. A woman never can become an ideal mother when she is all the while compelled to engage in rivalry for her husband’s affections.
83:6.8 (928.1) 配对婚姻支持和促进了那种对父母幸福、孩子康乐和社会效益最为适合的亲密谅解和有效合作。始于粗野强迫的婚姻，正逐渐演变成为一种充满自我修养、自我控制、自我表达和自我延续的出色制度。		83:6.8 (928.1) Pair marriage favors and fosters that intimate understanding and effective co-operation which is best for parental happiness, child welfare, and social efficiency. Marriage, which began in crude coercion, is gradually evolving into a magnificent institution of self-culture, self-control, self-expression, and self-perpetuation.
7. 婚姻的解除 ^top		7. The Dissolution of Wedlock ^top
83:7.1 (928.2) 在婚姻习俗的早期演进中，婚姻曾是一种可被随意终结的松散结合，孩子总是跟随母亲；母子纽带则是本能性的，不管在习俗的哪个发展阶段都始终起着作用。		83:7.1 (928.2) In the early evolution of the marital mores, marriage was a loose union which could be terminated at will, and the children always followed the mother; the mother-child bond is instinctive and has functioned regardless of the developmental stage of the mores.
83:7.2 (928.3) 在原始民族中间，只有近一半的婚姻证明是令人满意的。分开最常见的原因是不育，这通常归咎于妻子；而无子女的妻子被认为会在灵界中变成蛇。在更为原始的习俗下，只有男人有选择离婚的权利，而这些规范在某些民族中间一直持续到二十世纪。		83:7.2 (928.3) Among primitive peoples only about one half the marriages proved satisfactory. The most frequent cause for separation was barrenness, which was always blamed on the wife; and childless wives were believed to become snakes in the spirit world. Under the more primitive mores, divorce was had at the option of the man alone, and these standards have persisted to the twentieth century among some peoples.
83:7.3 (928.4) 随着习俗的演进，某些部落发展出了两种形式的婚姻：允许离婚的普通婚姻，以及不允许分开的祭司婚姻。买妻和妻子嫁妆的开创，即依靠引入一种针对婚姻失败的财产罚金，对减少分离起了很大作用。的确，许多现代结合也因这种古时的财产要素而得以稳定下来。		83:7.3 (928.4) As the mores evolved, certain tribes developed two forms of marriage: the ordinary, which permitted divorce, and the priest marriage, which did not allow for separation. The inauguration of wife purchase and wife dowry, by introducing a property penalty for marriage failure, did much to lessen separation. And, indeed, many modern unions are stabilized by this ancient property factor.
83:7.4 (928.5) 社团地位和财产特权所导致的社会压力，在婚姻禁忌和习俗的维持方面一直是强有力的。自古至今，婚姻已取得了稳步进展，并在现代世界中立于先进的境地，尽管它被一些人的广泛不满所威胁攻击，而在那些人中间，个人选择 -- 一种新的自由 -- 最为突出。这些剧变调整作为突然加快的社会演进的一个结果而出现在更为进步的民族中间，而在一些不那么先进的民族中间，婚姻则仍在古时习俗的引导下继续繁盛且缓慢改进着。		83:7.4 (928.5) The social pressure of community standing and property privileges has always been potent in the maintenance of the marriage taboos and mores. Down through the ages marriage has made steady progress and stands on advanced ground in the modern world, notwithstanding that it is threateningly assailed by widespread dissatisfaction among those peoples where individual choice—a new liberty—figures most largely. While these upheavals of adjustment appear among the more progressive races as a result of suddenly accelerated social evolution, among the less advanced peoples marriage continues to thrive and slowly improve under the guidance of the older mores.
83:7.5 (928.6) 婚姻方面更为理想但也极端个人主义的爱情动机，对较为古老且由来已久的财产动机之新近而又突然的取代，已无可避免地导致了婚姻制度变得一时的不稳定。人类的婚姻动机总是远超出实际的婚姻道德，十九和二十世纪西方的婚姻理念突然远超了各族以自我为中心而又部分受控制的性冲动。在任何社会中，大量未婚人员的存在表明了习俗的暂时性失败或是过渡。		83:7.5 (928.6) The new and sudden substitution of the more ideal but extremely individualistic love motive in marriage for the older and long-established property motive, has unavoidably caused the marriage institution to become temporarily unstable. Man’s marriage motives have always far transcended actual marriage morals, and in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the Occidental ideal of marriage has suddenly far outrun the self-centered and but partially controlled sex impulses of the races. The presence of large numbers of unmarried persons in any society indicates the temporary breakdown or the transition of the mores.
83:7.6 (928.7) 自古至今，对婚姻的真正考验在于那种家庭生活中不可避免的持续亲密。两个被教育成期待每一次虚荣放纵和自我完全满足的骄纵受宠年轻人，很难指望在婚姻和家庭构建中取得大的成功 -- 后者是一种充满谦让、妥协、奉献以及对孩子培养无私投入的终生伴侣关系。		83:7.6 (928.7) The real test of marriage, all down through the ages, has been that continuous intimacy which is inescapable in all family life. Two pampered and spoiled youths, educated to expect every indulgence and full gratification of vanity and ego, can hardly hope to make a great success of marriage and home building—a lifelong partnership of self-effacement, compromise, devotion, and unselfish dedication to child culture.
83:7.7 (929.1) 进入求爱时高度的幻想和不切实际的浪漫，在很大程度上要为现代西方民族中间渐增的离婚趋势负责，所有这一切又因女人更大的个人自由和渐增的经济自由而进一步复杂化了。在缺乏自我控制或失于正常个性调整的情况下轻率离婚，只能导致人类返回到那些粗陋的社会阶段，而人类最近才刚从这些充满了个人痛苦和种族磨难的阶段中解脱出来。		83:7.7 (929.1) The high degree of imagination and fantastic romance entering into courtship is largely responsible for the increasing divorce tendencies among modern Occidental peoples, all of which is further complicated by woman’s greater personal freedom and increased economic liberty. Easy divorce, when the result of lack of self-control or failure of normal personality adjustment, only leads directly back to those crude societal stages from which man has emerged so recently and as the result of so much personal anguish and racial suffering.
83:7.8 (929.2) 但只要社会未能适当教育儿童和青少年，只要社会秩序未能提供足够的婚前培训，只要不明智、不成熟的青春理想主义仍是进入婚姻的仲裁，那么离婚就会依然盛行。若社会团体未能为年轻人提供充足的结婚准备，在那一程度上离婚必定会作为一种社会安全阀而起作用，以防止在不断演进的习俗快速发展的时代中出现更糟糕的情况。		83:7.8 (929.2) But just so long as society fails to properly educate children and youths, so long as the social order fails to provide adequate premarital training, and so long as unwise and immature youthful idealism is to be the arbiter of the entrance upon marriage, just so long will divorce remain prevalent. And in so far as the social group falls short of providing marriage preparation for youths, to that extent must divorce function as the social safety valve which prevents still worse situations during the ages of the rapid growth of the evolving mores.
83:7.9 (929.3) 古代人看待婚姻似乎就像一些现代人那样严肃。现代时期许多草率失败的婚姻，与古时让那些符合条件的青年男女婚配的做法相比似乎没多大改进。现代社会的极大矛盾在于夸大爱情和将婚姻理想化，而又有失于对二者的最全面考察。		83:7.9 (929.3) The ancients seem to have regarded marriage just about as seriously as some present-day people do. And it does not appear that many of the hasty and unsuccessful marriages of modern times are much of an improvement over the ancient practices of qualifying young men and women for mating. The great inconsistency of modern society is to exalt love and to idealize marriage while disapproving of the fullest examination of both.
8. 婚姻的理想化 ^top		8. The Idealization of Marriage ^top
83:8.1 (929.4) 以家庭为结局的婚姻，确实是人类最为高贵的制度，但它在本质上却是人性的；它决不应被称为一件圣事。塞特族祭司将结婚弄成一种宗教仪式；但在伊甸园之后的数千年来，婚姻作为一种纯粹的社会和民事制度而持续下来。		83:8.1 (929.4) Marriage which culminates in the home is indeed man’s most exalted institution, but it is essentially human; it should never have been called a sacrament. The Sethite priests made marriage a religious ritual; but for thousands of years after Eden, mating continued as a purely social and civil institution.
83:8.2 (929.5) 将人性结合比作神性结合是最为不幸的。夫妻在婚姻家庭关系中的结合，是进化世界凡人的一种世俗性机能。诚然，在夫妻寻求进步的真诚人性努力下，的确可以获得很大的灵性进步，但这并不意味着婚姻就必然是神圣的。灵性进步是随同对其它途径人性努力的真诚实施而来的。		83:8.2 (929.5) The likening of human associations to divine associations is most unfortunate. The union of husband and wife in the marriage-home relationship is a material function of the mortals of the evolutionary worlds. True, indeed, much spiritual progress may accrue consequent upon the sincere human efforts of husband and wife to progress, but this does not mean that marriage is necessarily sacred. Spiritual progress is attendant upon sincere application to other avenues of human endeavor.
83:8.3 (929.6) 婚姻也无法真正与调整者和人的关系相比，更无法与基督•迈克尔同其人类兄弟的友情相比。这些类的关系与夫妻的结合几乎没有任何一点可以相比。最为不幸的是，就婚姻的地位而论，人类对这些关系的错误观念已造成了太多的混乱。		83:8.3 (929.6) Neither can marriage be truly compared to the relation of the Adjuster to man nor to the fraternity of Christ Michael and his human brethren. At scarcely any point are such relationships comparable to the association of husband and wife. And it is most unfortunate that the human misconception of these relationships has produced so much confusion as to the status of marriage.
83:8.4 (929.7) 某些族群的凡人把婚姻构想为由神的行为所完成的，这也是令人遗憾的。这种信念直接导致了婚姻状态的永续性观念，而不顾缔约双方的状况或意愿如何。但婚姻解体本身这一事实却表明，神灵并不是这类结合的撮合方。如果神一旦将任意两件事物或两个人结合在一起，那么他们将保持如此，直到神的旨意命令他们分开的那一刻。但就作为一种人性制度的婚姻而言，有谁会擅自评判，来指明哪些婚姻是受到宇宙监察者们所赞成的，又有哪些在本质与来源上是纯粹人性的呢？		83:8.4 (929.7) It is also unfortunate that certain groups of mortals have conceived of marriage as being consummated by divine action. Such beliefs lead directly to the concept of the indissolubility of the marital state regardless of the circumstances or wishes of the contracting parties. But the very fact of marriage dissolution itself indicates that Deity is not a conjoining party to such unions. If God has once joined any two things or persons together, they will remain thus joined until such a time as the divine will decrees their separation. But, regarding marriage, which is a human institution, who shall presume to sit in judgment, to say which marriages are unions that might be approved by the universe supervisors in contrast with those which are purely human in nature and origin?
83:8.5 (930.1) 尽管如此，在天上诸域仍存有一种婚姻理想。在每一个地方系统的首府，神的物质性子女们确实刻画出了男女为生育后代之目的、以婚姻盟约方式结合的巅峰理想。毕竟，理想的人类婚姻从人类角度来说是神圣的。		83:8.5 (930.1) Nevertheless, there is an ideal of marriage on the spheres on high. On the capital of each local system the Material Sons and Daughters of God do portray the height of the ideals of the union of man and woman in the bonds of marriage and for the purpose of procreating and rearing offspring. After all, the ideal mortal marriage is humanly sacred.
83:8.6 (930.2) 婚姻一直曾是、并仍然是人类世俗理想之最高梦想。虽然这一美好的梦想很少全面得以实现过，但它却作为一种光荣的理想而持续下来，永远诱使进步的人类继续以更大的努力来追求人的幸福。但在年轻男女投入到家庭生活互助合作的严格要求当中之前，他们应被传授一些关于婚姻现实的内容；年轻人的理想化，应当与某种程度的婚前醒悟调和到一起。		83:8.6 (930.2) Marriage always has been and still is man’s supreme dream of temporal ideality. Though this beautiful dream is seldom realized in its entirety, it endures as a glorious ideal, ever luring progressing mankind on to greater strivings for human happiness. But young men and women should be taught something of the realities of marriage before they are plunged into the exacting demands of the interassociations of family life; youthful idealization should be tempered with some degree of premarital disillusionment.
83:8.7 (930.3) 然而，年轻人对婚姻的理想化不应受到阻拦；这种梦想是对未来家庭生活目标的憧憬。这种态度也是富于激励性和帮助性的，只要它未对婚姻及随后家庭生活的实用性和常见性需求之实现产生一种麻木感。		83:8.7 (930.3) The youthful idealization of marriage should not, however, be discouraged; such dreams are the visualization of the future goal of family life. This attitude is both stimulating and helpful providing it does not produce an insensitivity to the realization of the practical and commonplace requirements of marriage and subsequent family life.
83:8.8 (930.4) 在近来时期，婚姻理想已取得了很大的进步；在某些民族中间，女人与其配偶享有几近平等的权利。至少在观念方面，家庭正在成为一种抚养后代且伴有性忠诚的忠实伙伴关系。但即便是这种较新的婚姻版本也不必擅走极端，以致造成对全部人格和个性的相互霸占。婚姻不只是一种个人的理想；它也是一对男女拥有的一种不断演进的社会伙伴关系，存在并运作于当前习俗下，受到诸多禁忌所限制，并受到社会的法律法规所强制。		83:8.8 (930.4) The ideals of marriage have made great progress in recent times; among some peoples woman enjoys practically equal rights with her consort. In concept, at least, the family is becoming a loyal partnership for rearing offspring, accompanied by sexual fidelity. But even this newer version of marriage need not presume to swing so far to the extreme as to confer mutual monopoly of all personality and individuality. Marriage is not just an individualistic ideal; it is the evolving social partnership of a man and a woman, existing and functioning under the current mores, restricted by the taboos, and enforced by the laws and regulations of society.
83:8.9 (930.5) 与过去时代的婚姻相比，二十世纪的婚姻高出一筹，尽管此时家庭制度由于突如其来的女性自由之增加如此快强加到社会组织身上所造成的诸多难题，而正经历着一种严厉的考验，在过去世代习俗的迟缓演进中，女性的这些权利长久未获承认。		83:8.9 (930.5) Twentieth-century marriages stand high in comparison with those of past ages, notwithstanding that the home institution is now undergoing a serious testing because of the problems so suddenly thrust upon the social organization by the precipitate augmentation of woman’s liberties, rights so long denied her in the tardy evolution of the mores of past generations.
83:8.10 (930.6) [由驻守玉苒厦(Urantia)的炽天使长所呈献。]		83:8.10 (930.6) [Presented by the Chief of Seraphim stationed on Urantia.]