第70篇   Paper 70
人类管理机构的演进   The Evolution of Human Government
70:0.1 (783.1) 人类刚刚部分解决了谋生问题,他就面临着调节人际交往的任务。产业的发展需要法律、秩序和社会调整;私有财产使管理机构成为必需。   70:0.1 (783.1) NO SOONER had man partially solved the problem of making a living than he was confronted with the task of regulating human contacts. The development of industry demanded law, order, and social adjustment; private property necessitated government.
70:0.2 (783.2) 在一个进化类世界上,对抗是自然的事情;和平只有通过某种社会调节体系才会得以确保。社会调节和社会组织是不可分的;联盟就意味着某种控制性管辖权。管理机构会迫使各个部落、氏族、家庭及个体之间的对抗发生协调。   70:0.2 (783.2) On an evolutionary world, antagonisms are natural; peace is secured only by some sort of social regulative system. Social regulation is inseparable from social organization; association implies some controlling authority. Government compels the co-ordination of the antagonisms of the tribes, clans, families, and individuals.
70:0.3 (783.3) 管理机构是一种无意识的发展;它经由试错而演化出来。它的确有存续的价值;因此它变成了传统。无秩序则加剧了痛苦;因此管理机构,即相对的法律和秩序便缓慢浮现或是渐趋形成了。实际上,为生存而斗争所产生的各种强制性需求,驱使人类沿着渐进性的道路而走向了文明。   70:0.3 (783.3) Government is an unconscious development; it evolves by trial and error. It does have survival value; therefore it becomes traditional. Anarchy augmented misery; therefore government, comparative law and order, slowly emerged or is emerging. The coercive demands of the struggle for existence literally drove the human race along the progressive road to civilization.
1. 战争的起源 ^top   1. The Genesis of War ^top
70:1.1 (783.4) 战争是进化人类的自然状态和继承物;和平是衡量文明进步的社会准绳。在进步种族的部分社会化之前,人类是极端个人主义的,极为多疑且极好争吵。暴力就是自然的法则,敌意则是自然之子的自发反应,而战争则不过是集体所实施的前述同样的活动。无论何时何地,只要文明的织布因社会进步的诸多纠葛而变得紧张时,对于这些早期暴力调整人类相互交往中诸多纷争的方法,总会有一种即刻而毁灭性的回归。   70:1.1 (783.4) War is the natural state and heritage of evolving man; peace is the social yardstick measuring civilization’s advancement. Before the partial socialization of the advancing races man was exceedingly individualistic, extremely suspicious, and unbelievably quarrelsome. Violence is the law of nature, hostility the automatic reaction of the children of nature, while war is but these same activities carried on collectively. And wherever and whenever the fabric of civilization becomes stressed by the complications of society’s advancement, there is always an immediate and ruinous reversion to these early methods of violent adjustment of the irritations of human interassociations.
70:1.2 (783.5) 战争是一种对诸多误解和纷争的兽性反应;和平则会奉上对所有这类问题和困难的文明化解决方案。桑吉克种族,连同后来退化了的亚当族及诺德族,都是好战的。安东族很早便被教会了黄金法则,甚至今日,他们的爱斯基摩后裔还依照那一法则而生活;在他们中间习俗十分强大,他们完全摆脱了暴力对抗。   70:1.2 (783.5) War is an animalistic reaction to misunderstandings and irritations; peace attends upon the civilized solution of all such problems and difficulties. The Sangik races, together with the later deteriorated Adamites and Nodites, were all belligerent. The Andonites were early taught the golden rule, and, even today, their Eskimo descendants live very much by that code; custom is strong among them, and they are fairly free from violent antagonisms.
70:1.3 (783.6) 安东教导他的孩子们通过各自用木棍击打一棵树并同时咒骂这棵树来解决争吵;木棍先断的那人就是胜利者。后来安东族人惯于通过举行一场公示来解决争吵,争吵者互相取笑,彼此嘲弄,而观众则通过其掌声来决定胜者。   70:1.3 (783.6) Andon taught his children to settle disputes by each beating a tree with a stick, meanwhile cursing the tree; the one whose stick broke first was the victor. The later Andonites used to settle disputes by holding a public show at which the disputants made fun of and ridiculed each other, while the audience decided the winner by its applause.
70:1.4 (783.7) 但直到社会进化到相当程度,能实际经历长期的和平,并能制裁好战的做法时,才不会有像战争这类现象。而战争的概念即意味着某种程度的组织。   70:1.4 (783.7) But there could be no such phenomenon as war until society had evolved sufficiently far to actually experience periods of peace and to sanction warlike practices. The very concept of war implies some degree of organization.
70:1.5 (784.1) 随着社会组群的出现,个人的烦恼开始被淹没到群体的情感当中,这种提升了的部落内部安宁,却是以部落之间的和平为代价的。因此,和平最早是由内部群体或者说部落所享受到,他们总是厌恶和憎恨外部群体、即外人。早期人类把屠杀外人视为一种美德。   70:1.5 (784.1) With the emergence of social groupings, individual irritations began to be submerged in the group feelings, and this promoted intratribal tranquillity but at the expense of intertribal peace. Peace was thus first enjoyed by the in-group, or tribe, who always disliked and hated the out-group, foreigners. Early man regarded it a virtue to shed alien blood.
70:1.6 (784.2) 但即便这一切最初也没起作用。当早期的首领们要尝试去消除误解时,他们发现让部落打打石头仗是有必要的,至少一年一次。这个氏族会分成两组,从事一整天的战斗。这与其说为了其他原因,不如说就是为了享受它的乐趣;他们真的是喜欢打仗。   70:1.6 (784.2) But even this did not work at first. When the early chiefs would try to iron out misunderstandings, they often found it necessary, at least once a year, to permit the tribal stone fights. The clan would divide up into two groups and engage in an all-day battle. And this for no other reason than just the fun of it; they really enjoyed fighting.
70:1.7 (784.3) 战争之所以持续不断,是因为人类是从动物进化而来的人,而所有的动物都是好斗的。战争的早期起因有:   70:1.7 (784.3) Warfare persists because man is human, evolved from an animal, and all animals are bellicose. Among the early causes of war were:
70:1.8 (784.4) 1. 饥饿,这导致了食物的抢夺。土地的匮乏总是会引发战争,在这些争斗中,早期爱好和平的部落几乎都被消灭了。   70:1.8 (784.4) 1. Hunger, which led to food raids. Scarcity of land has always brought on war, and during these struggles the early peace tribes were practically exterminated.
70:1.9 (784.5) 2. 女人的稀缺 -- 想要缓解佣人短缺的企图。偷抢女人常常会导致战争。   70:1.9 (784.5) 2. Woman scarcity—an attempt to relieve a shortage of domestic help. Woman stealing has always caused war.
70:1.10 (784.6) 3. 虚荣 -- 想要展示部落勇猛的渴望。优势群体想打仗,为的是把自己的生活模式强加于劣势民众身上。   70:1.10 (784.6) 3. Vanity—the desire to exhibit tribal prowess. Superior groups would fight to impose their mode of life upon inferior peoples.
70:1.11 (784.7) 4. 奴隶 -- 将之招到劳动队伍中的需要。   70:1.11 (784.7) 4. Slaves—need of recruits for the labor ranks.
70:1.12 (784.8) 5. 复仇 -- 当一个部落认定某个邻近部落导致了某一部族成员的死亡时,复仇便成了战争的动机。直到把一个人头带回家,哀悼才会得以继续。出于复仇目的之战争一直存续到相对现代的各个时期。   70:1.12 (784.8) 5. Revenge was the motive for war when one tribe believed that a neighboring tribe had caused the death of a fellow tribesman. Mourning was continued until a head was brought home. The war for vengeance was in good standing right on down to comparatively modern times.
70:1.13 (784.9) 6. 消遣 -- 战争被这些早期时代的年轻人视为消遣。如果没有足够好的战争借口出现,当和平变得难以忍受,相邻的部落习惯于出去以半友好战斗的方式,把发动一场突袭当作一场假日,享受一场佯装的战斗。   70:1.13 (784.9) 6. Recreation—war was looked upon as recreation by the young men of these early times. If no good and sufficient pretext for war arose, when peace became oppressive, neighboring tribes were accustomed to go out in semifriendly combat to engage in a foray as a holiday, to enjoy a sham battle.
70:1.14 (784.10) 7. 宗教 -- 皈依教派的渴望。各种原始宗教都赞成战争。只是在近来时代,宗教才开始反对战争。很遗憾,早期的祭司阶层通常是和军事力量结盟的。各个时代伟大的和平运动之一,就是尝试把教会和国家分离开来。   70:1.14 (784.10) 7. Religion—the desire to make converts to the cult. The primitive religions all sanctioned war. Only in recent times has religion begun to frown upon war. The early priesthoods were, unfortunately, usually allied with the military power. One of the great peace moves of the ages has been the attempt to separate church and state.
70:1.15 (784.11) 这些古时的部落总是奉其神的吩咐、即在其首领或巫医的吩咐下发动战争。希伯来人就信奉这样一个“战争之神”;他们突袭米甸人的故事,就是对古代部落战争之残忍行径的一种典型讲述;这次突袭屠杀了所有的男丁,然后又杀了所有的男孩和所有非处女的妇女,算是为二十万年前一个部落首领所立的习俗增了光。所有这一切都是在“以色列主神之名”下执行的。   70:1.15 (784.11) Always these olden tribes made war at the bidding of their gods, at the behest of their chiefs or medicine men. The Hebrews believed in such a “God of battles”; and the narrative of their raid on the Midianites is a typical recital of the atrocious cruelty of the ancient tribal wars; this assault, with its slaughter of all the males and the later killing of all male children and all women who were not virgins, would have done honor to the mores of a tribal chieftain of two hundred thousand years ago. And all this was executed in the “name of the Lord God of Israel.”
70:1.16 (784.12) 这就是对社会演化的一种叙述 -- 即种族问题的自然展开,人类造就了他自己的世间命运。这种暴行不是由神灵所挑起的,尽管人类倾向于把责任推到其诸神身上。   70:1.16 (784.12) This is a narrative of the evolution of society—the natural outworking of the problems of the races—man working out his own destiny on earth. Such atrocities are not instigated by Deity, notwithstanding the tendency of man to place the responsibility on his gods.
70:1.17 (784.13) 适于战争的仁慈,对于人类而言是姗姗来迟的。即便当一个名叫底波拉的女人统治希伯来人时,同样大规模的酷行仍在持续。她的统帅在征服外邦人的胜利中,竟使“全军都伏尸剑下,无一幸免。”   70:1.17 (784.13) Military mercy has been slow in coming to mankind. Even when a woman, Deborah, ruled the Hebrews, the same wholesale cruelty persisted. Her general in his victory over the gentiles caused “all the host to fall upon the sword; there was not one left.”
70:1.18 (785.1) 早在该族历史之初,就有使用有毒武器了。所有类型的肉刑都被用过了。扫罗就曾断然要求一百个非利士人的阳物包皮,作为大卫付给他女儿米甲的嫁妆。   70:1.18 (785.1) Very early in the history of the race, poisoned weapons were used. All sorts of mutilations were practiced. Saul did not hesitate to require one hundred Philistine foreskins as the dowry David should pay for his daughter Michal.
70:1.19 (785.2) 早期的战争是发生在作为整体的部落之间的,但在后来时期,当不同部落中的两个个人有了争执时,这两个争执者就要进行一场决斗,而不再是两个部落之间打仗。对于两支军队而言,把所有赌注都押在每方所选出代表之间的争战中,这也变成了一种习俗,正如大卫和哥利亚的实例中所示的一样。   70:1.19 (785.2) Early wars were fought between tribes as a whole, but in later times, when two individuals in different tribes had a dispute, instead of both tribes fighting, the two disputants engaged in a duel. It also became a custom for two armies to stake all on the outcome of a contest between a representative chosen from each side, as in the instance of David and Goliath.
70:1.20 (785.3) 最早的战争改进是对俘虏的收容。接下来,女人被免于战争行动,后来有了对非战斗人员的识别。军事团体和常备军队很快发展了起来,以跟上战争的日趋复杂性。这些战士早期被禁止与女人结合,而女人早就停止作战了,不过她们常常喂养照料战士,敦促他们继续去战斗。   70:1.20 (785.3) The first refinement of war was the taking of prisoners. Next, women were exempted from hostilities, and then came the recognition of noncombatants. Military castes and standing armies soon developed to keep pace with the increasing complexity of combat. Such warriors were early prohibited from associating with women, and women long ago ceased to fight, though they have always fed and nursed the soldiers and urged them on to battle.
70:1.21 (785.4) 宣战这一做法也代表着一个极大的进步。这种作战意图之声明,预示着一种公平感的到来,随之而来的便是 “文明化”战争规则的逐渐发展。很早时,不在宗教场所附近作战就成为了一种惯例,再往后发展到不在某些圣日作战。接下来就是对庇护权的普遍认可;政治逃亡者受到了保护。   70:1.21 (785.4) The practice of declaring war represented great progress. Such declarations of intention to fight betokened the arrival of a sense of fairness, and this was followed by the gradual development of the rules of “civilized” warfare. Very early it became the custom not to fight near religious sites and, still later, not to fight on certain holy days. Next came the general recognition of the right of asylum; political fugitives received protection.
70:1.22 (785.5) 战争就这样从原始人的狩猎,逐渐演进成近代“文明化”国家这种更为有序的体系。但是,用友好的社交态度来取代敌对的态度却演进得很慢。   70:1.22 (785.5) Thus did warfare gradually evolve from the primitive man hunt to the somewhat more orderly system of the later-day “civilized” nations. But only slowly does the social attitude of amity displace that of enmity.
2. 战争的社会价值 ^top   2. The Social Value of War ^top
70:2.1 (785.6) 在过去的时代,一场激烈的战争总会引发社会变化,并会促进一些新观念的接纳,这些新观念原本不会在一万年里自然而然地出现。这些特定的战争利处所要付出的惨痛代价却是,社会被一时性地抛回到野性状态;文明的理性不得不退位。战争是一剂猛药,非常昂贵且最为危险。尽管它通常会治愈某些社会失调,但它常常会杀死病人,摧毁社会。   70:2.1 (785.6) In past ages a fierce war would institute social changes and facilitate the adoption of new ideas such as would not have occurred naturally in ten thousand years. The terrible price paid for these certain war advantages was that society was temporarily thrown back into savagery; civilized reason had to abdicate. War is strong medicine, very costly and most dangerous; while often curative of certain social disorders, it sometimes kills the patient, destroys the society.
70:2.2 (785.7) 国防的持久必要性也会造成许多新的进步性社会调整。今天,社会享受到了许多有益创新所带来的好处,它们起先都是完全适于战争的,甚至归功于战争,因为舞蹈即是早期的军训方式之一。   70:2.2 (785.7) The constant necessity for national defense creates many new and advanced social adjustments. Society, today, enjoys the benefit of a long list of useful innovations which were at first wholly military and is even indebted to war for the dance, one of the early forms of which was a military drill.
70:2.3 (785.8) 战争对过往的文明有一种社会价值,因为它:   70:2.3 (785.8) War has had a social value to past civilizations because it:
70:2.4 (785.9) 1. 加强了纪律,强化了合作。   70:2.4 (785.9) 1. Imposed discipline, enforced co-operation.
70:2.5 (785.10) 2. 激励了刚毅和勇气。   70:2.5 (785.10) 2. Put a premium on fortitude and courage.
70:2.6 (785.11) 3. 培养、巩固了民族主义。   70:2.6 (785.11) 3. Fostered and solidified nationalism.
70:2.7 (785.12) 4. 消灭了软弱而不适应的民族。   70:2.7 (785.12) 4. Destroyed weak and unfit peoples.
70:2.8 (785.13) 5. 消除了原始平等和择选性分层社会的错觉。   70:2.8 (785.13) 5. Dissolved the illusion of primitive equality and selectively stratified society.
70:2.9 (785.14) 战争有过某种进化性和择选性价值,但也像奴隶制一样,随着文明的缓慢进步,它必定在某一时候要被抛弃掉。古时的战争促进了旅行和文化交流;现在,这些目的可通过现代的交通和通讯方式而更好地得以实现。古代的战争强化了各个民族,但现代战争却会使文明教化瓦解。古代战争导致了劣势民族的毁灭;而现代冲突的最终结果却是最好人类血统的择选性毁灭。早期战争促进了组织和效能,但这二者现在已成为了现代产业的目标。在过去的时代中,战争是一种社会发酵剂,它推动了文明的前进;而现在,这一结果可通过发奋进取和创造发明得以更好地达成。古代的战争支持了好斗之神的观念,但现代人类已被告知神就是爱。战争在过去达到了许多有价值的目标,它已是文明构建中不可或缺的支架,但从文化意义上来说,它正在快速趋向破产 -- 即在任何意义上都无法产生出与其发动时所伴随可怕损失相对称的社会红利。   70:2.9 (785.14) War has had a certain evolutionary and selective value, but like slavery, it must sometime be abandoned as civilization slowly advances. Olden wars promoted travel and cultural intercourse; these ends are now better served by modern methods of transport and communication. Olden wars strengthened nations, but modern struggles disrupt civilized culture. Ancient warfare resulted in the decimation of inferior peoples; the net result of modern conflict is the selective destruction of the best human stocks. Early wars promoted organization and efficiency, but these have now become the aims of modern industry. During past ages war was a social ferment which pushed civilization forward; this result is now better attained by ambition and invention. Ancient warfare supported the concept of a God of battles, but modern man has been told that God is love. War has served many valuable purposes in the past, it has been an indispensable scaffolding in the building of civilization, but it is rapidly becoming culturally bankrupt—incapable of producing dividends of social gain in any way commensurate with the terrible losses attendant upon its invocation.
70:2.10 (786.1) 医生们一度曾相信放血为一种治愈许多疾病的手段,但他们自那以后发现了治愈大多数这类失调的更好方法。循此,国家间的战争流血,也必定会让位于治愈民族疾患之更好方法的发现。   70:2.10 (786.1) At one time physicians believed in bloodletting as a cure for many diseases, but they have since discovered better remedies for most of these disorders. And so must the international bloodletting of war certainly give place to the discovery of better methods for curing the ills of nations.
70:2.11 (786.2) 玉苒厦(Urantia)的诸个民族已经进入了民族军国主义与民族工业主义之间的一场大规模竞争,这种冲突在许多方面类似于牧猎者和农业者之间的长期竞争。但如果要让工业主义战胜军国主义,它就必须要避开困扰它的种种危险。在玉苒厦上,发育中的工业所面临的危险是:   70:2.11 (786.2) The nations of Urantia have already entered upon the gigantic struggle between nationalistic militarism and industrialism, and in many ways this conflict is analogous to the agelong struggle between the herder-hunter and the farmer. But if industrialism is to triumph over militarism, it must avoid the dangers which beset it. The perils of budding industry on Urantia are:
70:2.12 (786.3) 1. 强烈转向唯物主义,灵性上的缺失。   70:2.12 (786.3) 1. The strong drift toward materialism, spiritual blindness.
70:2.13 (786.4) 2. 对财富与权力的崇拜,价值上的扭曲。   70:2.13 (786.4) 2. The worship of wealth-power, value distortion.
70:2.14 (786.5) 3. 奢侈的恶习,教化上的不成熟。   70:2.14 (786.5) 3. The vices of luxury, cultural immaturity.
70:2.15 (786.6) 4. 懒惰的渐增危险,服务上的迟钝性。   70:2.15 (786.6) 4. The increasing dangers of indolence, service insensitivity.
70:2.16 (786.7) 5. 非期望性种族软弱的增长,生物性上的退化。   70:2.16 (786.7) 5. The growth of undesirable racial softness, biologic deterioration.
70:2.17 (786.8) 6. 标准化工业奴隶的威胁,个性上的停滞不前。劳动是高尚的,但苦工则使人变得麻木。   70:2.17 (786.8) 6. The threat of standardized industrial slavery, personality stagnation. Labor is ennobling but drudgery is benumbing.
70:2.18 (786.9) 军国主义是独裁而又残酷的 -- 即野蛮的。它促进了征服者中间的社会组织性,但却瓦解了被征服者。工业主义则更为文明,应当让它继续下去,以促进主动性及鼓励个人主义。社会应当尽一切可能培养独创性。   70:2.18 (786.9) Militarism is autocratic and cruel—savage. It promotes social organization among the conquerors but disintegrates the vanquished. Industrialism is more civilized and should be so carried on as to promote initiative and to encourage individualism. Society should in every way possible foster originality.
70:2.19 (786.10) 不要犯美化战争的错误;而是要认清它对社会所做出的一切,这样你们可以更为准确地设想出,其替代物必须要提供什么来继续文明的进步。如果未能提供这种适当的替代物,那么你们可以肯定的是,战争将长期存续下去。   70:2.19 (786.10) Do not make the mistake of glorifying war; rather discern what it has done for society so that you may the more accurately visualize what its substitutes must provide in order to continue the advancement of civilization. And if such adequate substitutes are not provided, then you may be sure that war will long continue.
70:2.20 (786.11) 人类将永远不会将和平作为一种正常的生活方式而接受下来,直到他已反复而彻底地确信,和平对于其物质福利是最好的方式,直到社会已为满足那种定期释放集体冲动的固有倾向明智地提供了和平性替代物,而这种集体冲动旨在释放那些属于人类自我保护反应的、不断累积的情感和能量。   70:2.20 (786.11) Man will never accept peace as a normal mode of living until he has been thoroughly and repeatedly convinced that peace is best for his material welfare, and until society has wisely provided peaceful substitutes for the gratification of that inherent tendency periodically to let loose a collective drive designed to liberate those ever-accumulating emotions and energies belonging to the self-preservation reactions of the human species.
70:2.21 (786.12) 但即便战争正在逐渐离去,它也应当作为一所体验的学校而受到尊重,它曾迫使一个由众多傲慢的个人主义者组成的民族服从于高度集中的权威 -- 即元首。旧式的战争的确选出了那些天生的伟人来做领袖,但现代战争已不再如此了。要发现领导者,社会现在必须要转向对和平领域:即产业、科学和社会成就的征服。   70:2.21 (786.12) But even in passing, war should be honored as the school of experience which compelled a race of arrogant individualists to submit themselves to highly concentrated authority—a chief executive. Old-fashioned war did select the innately great men for leadership, but modern war no longer does this. To discover leaders society must now turn to the conquests of peace: industry, science, and social achievement.
3. 早期人类的联盟 ^top   3. Early Human Associations ^top
70:3.1 (787.1) 在最为原始的社会中,群落即是一切;甚至连儿童也是它的公共财产。在儿童抚养方面,逐渐演进出来的家庭取代了群落,而逐渐出现的氏族和部落,又作为社会单元取代了群落的位置。   70:3.1 (787.1) In the most primitive society the horde is everything; even children are its common property. The evolving family displaced the horde in child rearing, while the emerging clans and tribes took its place as the social unit.
70:3.2 (787.2) 性欲和母爱确立了家庭。但直到超出家庭的群体开始形成时,真正的管理机构才会出现。在群落的前家庭时代,领导权由非正式挑选出的个人所提供。非洲的布须曼人从不曾进展到这一原始阶段以外;在群落中他们没有首领。   70:3.2 (787.2) Sex hunger and mother love establish the family. But real government does not appear until superfamily groups have begun to form. In the prefamily days of the horde, leadership was provided by informally chosen individuals. The African Bushmen have never progressed beyond this primitive stage; they do not have chiefs in the horde.
70:3.3 (787.3) 众多家庭因氏族中的血缘关系而变得团结,即由亲戚所组成的聚合体;而这些随后演进成部落,即地域性的社团。战争和外来压力将部落组织强加到了血缘宗族身上,不过是商业和贸易把这些早期的原始群体凝聚到了一起,维持着某种程度的内部和平。   70:3.3 (787.3) Families became united by blood ties in clans, aggregations of kinsmen; and these subsequently evolved into tribes, territorial communities. Warfare and external pressure forced the tribal organization upon the kinship clans, but it was commerce and trade that held these early and primitive groups together with some degree of internal peace.
70:3.4 (787.4) 玉苒厦(Urantia)的和平可通过各种国际贸易组织而得以更好地促进,远比不切实际的和平方案之感性说教好得多。贸易关系因语言的发展、改进的交流方式,以及更好的运输,而得到了促进。   70:3.4 (787.4) The peace of Urantia will be promoted far more by international trade organizations than by all the sentimental sophistry of visionary peace planning. Trade relations have been facilitated by development of language and by improved methods of communication as well as by better transportation.
70:3.5 (787.5) 一种共同语言的缺乏总是妨碍了和平群体的增长,但货币已成为了现代贸易的通用语言。现代社会在很大程度上是由产业市场维系在一起的。获利的动机在被服务的欲望所加强时,就会成为一种强有力的启化器。   70:3.5 (787.5) The absence of a common language has always impeded the growth of peace groups, but money has become the universal language of modern trade. Modern society is largely held together by the industrial market. The gain motive is a mighty civilizer when augmented by the desire to serve.
70:3.6 (787.6) 在早期时代,每一部落都被不断增长的恐惧和猜疑所产生的同心怪圈包围着;因此,杀死所有陌生人曾一度成为了习俗,后来又去奴役他们。古时的友谊观念,意味着受接纳进入氏族;人们相信氏族成员身份可以幸免于死 -- 即最早的永生观念之一。   70:3.6 (787.6) In the early ages each tribe was surrounded by concentric circles of increasing fear and suspicion; hence it was once the custom to kill all strangers, later on, to enslave them. The old idea of friendship meant adoption into the clan; and clan membership was believed to survive death—one of the earliest concepts of eternal life.
70:3.7 (787.7) 接纳的仪式包括饮彼此的血。在某些团体中,用交换口水代替了饮血,这便是社交亲吻做法的古代起源。而所有联盟的仪式,无论是结婚还是纳员,总是以盛宴而告终。   70:3.7 (787.7) The ceremony of adoption consisted in drinking each other’s blood. In some groups saliva was exchanged in the place of blood drinking, this being the ancient origin of the practice of social kissing. And all ceremonies of association, whether marriage or adoption, were always terminated by feasting.
70:3.8 (787.8) 在后来各个时期,使用了红酒稀释过的血;最终只用喝酒来确认纳员仪式了,即以酒杯的互相触碰为标志,并把酒一饮而尽来完成它。希伯来人采用了这种纳员仪式的一种改型形式。他们的阿拉伯祖先使用的仪式,则是让候选者的手放在部落族人的生殖器上宣誓。希伯来人对待被接纳的外人非常亲切而友好。“和你们同住的外人应如同本地人一样对待,你们应爱他如己。”   70:3.8 (787.8) In later times, blood diluted with red wine was used, and eventually wine alone was drunk to seal the adoption ceremony, which was signified in the touching of the wine cups and consummated by the swallowing of the beverage. The Hebrews employed a modified form of this adoption ceremony. Their Arab ancestors made use of the oath taken while the hand of the candidate rested upon the generative organ of the tribal native. The Hebrews treated adopted aliens kindly and fraternally. “The stranger that dwells with you shall be as one born among you, and you shall love him as yourself.”
70:3.9 (787.9) “宾客之谊”是一种临时性接待的关系。当到访的宾客离开时,一个盘子会被碎成两半,一半会送给这位离去的朋友,这样它就会作为一种适当的引见物,供以后可能会到访的第三方使用。按照习俗,宾客们要通过讲一些他们旅行和冒险中的故事来作为报偿。古代讲故事者变得如此受欢迎,以致习俗最终禁止他们在狩猎或者收获季节活动。   70:3.9 (787.9) “Guest friendship” was a relation of temporary hospitality. When visiting guests departed, a dish would be broken in half, one piece being given the departing friend so that it would serve as a suitable introduction for a third party who might arrive on a later visit. It was customary for guests to pay their way by telling tales of their travels and adventures. The storytellers of olden times became so popular that the mores eventually forbade their functioning during either the hunting or harvest seasons.
70:3.10 (788.1) 最早的和平条约是“血约”。两个交战部落的和平使者会见面,互致敬意,之后就转到刺破皮肤直到流出血来;届时,他们会吸吮彼此的血,并宣告和平。   70:3.10 (788.1) The first treaties of peace were the “blood bonds.” The peace ambassadors of two warring tribes would meet, pay their respects, and then proceed to prick the skin until it bled; whereupon they would suck each other’s blood and declare peace.
70:3.11 (788.2) 最早的和平使团由一些男性代表组成,带着自己挑选的少女来使其从前的敌人获得性满足,性欲被用于抑制战争的冲动。受此荣幸的部落也会回访,也会奉上其少女;届时和平便被牢固地确立起来。很快首领家族之间的通婚,也得到了认可。   70:3.11 (788.2) The earliest peace missions consisted of delegations of men bringing their choice maidens for the sex gratification of their onetime enemies, the sex appetite being utilized in combating the war urge. The tribe so honored would pay a return visit, with its offering of maidens; whereupon peace would be firmly established. And soon intermarriages between the families of the chiefs were sanctioned.
4. 氏族和部落 ^top   4. Clans and Tribes ^top
70:4.1 (788.3) 最早的和平团体是家族,然后是氏族、部落,后来就是民族,它最终变成了现代的地域性国家。现今和平团体早已扩展到血缘关系之外而包含了众多民族的事实,是极为鼓舞人心的,尽管有玉苒厦(Urantia)各国仍在战备上耗费巨资这一事实。   70:4.1 (788.3) The first peace group was the family, then the clan, the tribe, and later on the nation, which eventually became the modern territorial state. The fact that the present-day peace groups have long since expanded beyond blood ties to embrace nations is most encouraging, despite the fact that Urantia nations are still spending vast sums on war preparations.
70:4.2 (788.4) 氏族是部落之内的血缘关系群体,它们因某些共同的利益而存在,例如:   70:4.2 (788.4) The clans were blood-tie groups within the tribe, and they owed their existence to certain common interests, such as:
70:4.3 (788.5) 1. 追溯起源可回到一个共同的祖先。   70:4.3 (788.5) 1. Tracing origin back to a common ancestor.
70:4.4 (788.6) 2. 忠诚于一个共同的宗教图腾。   70:4.4 (788.6) 2. Allegiance to a common religious totem.
70:4.5 (788.7) 3. 说同一种方言。   70:4.5 (788.7) 3. Speaking the same dialect.
70:4.6 (788.8) 4. 享有一个共同的居住地。   70:4.6 (788.8) 4. Sharing a common dwelling place.
70:4.7 (788.9) 5. 害怕同样的敌人。   70:4.7 (788.9) 5. Fearing the same enemies.
70:4.8 (788.10) 6. 有过共同作战的经历。   70:4.8 (788.10) 6. Having had a common military experience.
70:4.9 (788.11) 氏族头人总是服从于部落首领,而最早的部落管理机构是一个松散的氏族联盟。土著澳洲人从来不曾发展出一种部落形式的管理机构。   70:4.9 (788.11) The clan headmen were always subordinate to the tribal chief, the early tribal governments being a loose confederation of clans. The native Australians never developed a tribal form of government.
70:4.10 (788.12) 氏族的和平首领通常经由母系而支配;而部落的战争首领则立身于父系。部落首领和早期君王的宫廷由各个氏族的头人组成,通常他们一年有数次应邀到君王的出席场合。这可让君王监督他们,并确保他们更好的合作。各个氏族在地方自治中起到了非常重要的作用,但它们也极大延迟了强大民族的成长。   70:4.10 (788.12) The clan peace chiefs usually ruled through the mother line; the tribal war chiefs established the father line. The courts of the tribal chiefs and early kings consisted of the headmen of the clans, whom it was customary to invite into the king’s presence several times a year. This enabled him to watch them and the better secure their co-operation. The clans served a valuable purpose in local self-government, but they greatly delayed the growth of large and strong nations.
5. 管理机构的开端 ^top   5. The Beginnings of Government ^top
70:5.1 (788.13) 每种人类制度都有一个开端,公民管理机构就像婚姻、产业和宗教一样,都是逐步演进的产物。从早期氏族和原始部落中逐渐发展出了相继类别的人类管理机构,它们来来去去,往下一直延伸到那些体现了二十世纪中叶特征的社会和公民规范。   70:5.1 (788.13) Every human institution had a beginning, and civil government is a product of progressive evolution just as much as are marriage, industry, and religion. From the early clans and primitive tribes there gradually developed the successive orders of human government which have come and gone right on down to those forms of social and civil regulation that characterize the second third of the twentieth century.
70:5.2 (788.14) 随着家庭单元的逐渐出现,管理机构的基础便得以在氏族组织中确立起来,后者即血缘家族的聚合。最早的真正管理机构实体是长老理事会。这个管理群体是由一些因行事有效而出众的老年人所组成的。智慧和经验即便很早便受到野蛮人的赏识,接着便是一长段时间的年长者统治。这种由年龄来决定的寡头统治,逐渐演变为家长制观念。   70:5.2 (788.14) With the gradual emergence of the family units the foundations of government were established in the clan organization, the grouping of consanguineous families. The first real governmental body was the council of the elders. This regulative group was composed of old men who had distinguished themselves in some efficient manner. Wisdom and experience were early appreciated even by barbaric man, and there ensued a long age of the domination of the elders. This reign of the oligarchy of age gradually grew into the patriarchal idea.
70:5.3 (789.1) 在早期的长老理事会中,存在着所有潜在的管理机构职能:行政性的、立法性的和司法性的。当理事会解释现有的习俗时,它是一个法院;当创建新形式的社会惯例时,它是一个立法机关;到了这样的法制法规被强制执行的程度时,它又是行政机构。理事会的会长,就是后来部落首领的前身之一。   70:5.3 (789.1) In the early council of the elders there resided the potential of all governmental functions: executive, legislative, and judicial. When the council interpreted the current mores, it was a court; when establishing new modes of social usage, it was a legislature; to the extent that such decrees and enactments were enforced, it was the executive. The chairman of the council was one of the forerunners of the later tribal chief.
70:5.4 (789.2) 有些部落拥有女性的理事会,许多部落也时常有女性统治者。红种人的某些部落保留了奥纳莫纳兰顿关于遵循“七人理事会”一致裁定的教导。   70:5.4 (789.2) Some tribes had female councils, and from time to time many tribes had women rulers. Certain tribes of the red man preserved the teaching of Onamonalonton in following the unanimous rule of the “council of seven.”
70:5.5 (789.3) 人类很难认识到,无论是和平还是战争都无法由一个争论不休的社会所运行。原始的“交涉”很少有用。人类很早就认识到,由一群氏族头领所指挥的军队,没有机会去对抗一支由一个人领导的强大军队。战争总是会导致王者的拥立。   70:5.5 (789.3) It has been hard for mankind to learn that neither peace nor war can be run by a debating society. The primitive “palavers” were seldom useful. The race early learned that an army commanded by a group of clan heads had no chance against a strong one-man army. War has always been a kingmaker.
70:5.6 (789.4) 起初,选出战争首领仅是出于军事服务目的,而在和平时期,他们要放弃自身的某些职权,那时他们的职责更多是社会性的。但逐渐地,他们开始染指和平的间隔期,倾向于从一场战争持续往下统治到下一场战争。他们经常力求让一场战争不会在另一场战争之后太久发生。这些早期的战争领主并不喜欢和平。   70:5.6 (789.4) At first the war chiefs were chosen only for military service, and they would relinquish some of their authority during peacetimes, when their duties were of a more social nature. But gradually they began to encroach upon the peace intervals, tending to continue to rule from one war on through to the next. They often saw to it that one war was not too long in following another. These early war lords were not fond of peace.
70:5.7 (789.5) 后来,有些首领出于非军事服务目的而被选出,之所以被选中,是因为其不同寻常的体魄,或是出类拔萃的个人能力。红种人通常有两套首领班子 -- 酋长即和平首领,以及世袭的战争首领。和平的统治者也兼任法官和导师之职。   70:5.7 (789.5) In later times some chiefs were chosen for other than military service, being selected because of unusual physique or outstanding personal abilities. The red men often had two sets of chiefs—the sachems, or peace chiefs, and the hereditary war chiefs. The peace rulers were also judges and teachers.
70:5.8 (789.6) 有些早期社团是由巫医所统治的,他们经常担当首领的角色。一个人可以身兼祭司、医生和元首。早期的王室徽章,很多情况下本来就是祭司服饰中的符号或象征。   70:5.8 (789.6) Some early communities were ruled by medicine men, who often acted as chiefs. One man would act as priest, physician, and chief executive. Quite often the early royal insignias had originally been the symbols or emblems of priestly dress.
70:5.9 (789.7) 正是通过这些步骤,管理机构的行政部门逐渐成形了。氏族和部落的理事会继续担当顾问的职责,并成为了后来出现的立法和司法分支的前身。在今日的非洲,原始管理机构的所有这些形态,事实上都仍存在于不同的部落中间。   70:5.9 (789.7) And it was by these steps that the executive branch of government gradually came into existence. The clan and tribal councils continued in an advisory capacity and as forerunners of the later appearing legislative and judicial branches. In Africa, today, all these forms of primitive government are in actual existence among the various tribes.
6. 君主制管理机构 ^top   6. Monarchial Government ^top
70:6.1 (789.8) 仅当一个有着全面行政管辖权首领的到来,有效的国家统治才能出现。人们还发现,要想有一个富有成效的管理机构,只能依靠把权力赋予到一个人格体身上,而非依靠赋予某种理念。   70:6.1 (789.8) Effective state rule only came with the arrival of a chief with full executive authority. Man found that effective government could be had only by conferring power on a personality, not by endowing an idea.
70:6.2 (789.9) 统治权出自于家族权威或是家族财富的观念。当一个家长制下的小国君主成为一个真正的君王时,他常常被称为“万民之父”。后来,君王被认为是出身于英雄。再往后,出于对君王神圣出身的信仰,统治权成为了世袭制。   70:6.2 (789.9) Rulership grew out of the idea of family authority or wealth. When a patriarchal kinglet became a real king, he was sometimes called “father of his people.” Later on, kings were thought to have sprung from heroes. And still further on, rulership became hereditary, due to belief in the divine origin of kings.
70:6.3 (789.10) 世袭的王权避免了无秩序状态,这以前在君王去世和继任者推选的中间造成了极大的破坏。家族会有一个生物学上的头领;氏族会有一个选出的天然领袖;部落以及后来的国家没有天然的领袖,这就是产生首领或君王世袭制的一个额外原因。王室家族和贵族制的观念,也是基于氏族中“名称所有权”的习俗之上。   70:6.3 (789.10) Hereditary kingship avoided the anarchy which had previously wrought such havoc between the death of a king and the election of a successor. The family had a biologic head; the clan, a selected natural leader; the tribe and later state had no natural leader, and this was an additional reason for making the chief-kings hereditary. The idea of royal families and aristocracy was also based on the mores of “name ownership” in the clans.
70:6.4 (790.1) 列王的继承终究被认为是超自然的,王室血统据认为可回溯到君王卡里迦夏物质化属员所处的时代。因此列王变成了神明类人格体,并极受畏惧,一种特殊的言辞形式被引为宫廷惯例。甚至于在近代,人们仍相信君王的触摸就可以治愈疾病,有些玉苒厦(Urantia)民族仍将其统治者视为拥有神圣的出身。   70:6.4 (790.1) The succession of kings was eventually regarded as supernatural, the royal blood being thought to extend back to the times of the materialized staff of Prince Caligastia. Thus kings became fetish personalities and were inordinately feared, a special form of speech being adopted for court usage. Even in recent times it was believed that the touch of kings would cure disease, and some Urantia peoples still regard their rulers as having had a divine origin.
70:6.5 (790.2) 早期被奉若神明的君王,通常被保持在隐居状态;他被视作太过神圣,以致只有在节日和圣日里才得以看到。通常会选出一个代表来扮演他,这就是首相的起源。最早的内阁官员是一个食品管理者,其他官员也随之产生。不久,统治者们便任命代表们来掌管商业和宗教;内阁的发展是朝向行政权威去个人化的直接一步。早期君王的这些助手就成为了公认的贵族,随着女性逐渐受到更高的尊重,君王的妻子也逐渐上升到王后之尊。   70:6.5 (790.2) The early fetish king was often kept in seclusion; he was regarded as too sacred to be viewed except on feast days and holy days. Ordinarily a representative was chosen to impersonate him, and this is the origin of prime ministers. The first cabinet officer was a food administrator; others shortly followed. Rulers soon appointed representatives to be in charge of commerce and religion; and the development of a cabinet was a direct step toward depersonalization of executive authority. These assistants of the early kings became the accepted nobility, and the king’s wife gradually rose to the dignity of queen as women came to be held in higher esteem.
70:6.6 (790.3) 肆无忌惮的统治者们,借助毒药的发现而赢得了巨大的权力。早期的宫庭巫术是恶毒的;君王的仇人们很快便死掉了。但即便是最专制的暴君,也会受制于某些约束;至少他被经常存在着的暗杀威胁所约束着。男巫师、女巫医还有祭司们,总是对君王构成了强大的抑制力。后来,地主、贵族们也施加了一种制约影响。各个氏族和部落也会不时起来反抗,推翻他们的专制君主和暴君。被废黜的统治者们,在被判处死刑时,通常会被给予自杀的选择,这为古代某些情况下自杀的社会风习提供了起源。   70:6.6 (790.3) Unscrupulous rulers gained great power by the discovery of poison. Early court magic was diabolical; the king’s enemies soon died. But even the most despotic tyrant was subject to some restrictions; he was at least restrained by the ever-present fear of assassination. The medicine men, witch doctors, and priests have always been a powerful check on the kings. Subsequently, the landowners, the aristocracy, exerted a restraining influence. And ever and anon the clans and tribes would simply rise up and overthrow their despots and tyrants. Deposed rulers, when sentenced to death, were often given the option of committing suicide, which gave origin to the ancient social vogue of suicide in certain circumstances.
7. 原始社团和秘密会社 ^top   7. Primitive Clubs and Secret Societies ^top
70:7.1 (790.4) 血缘关系决定了最早的社会群体;联盟则扩大了亲属宗族。通婚则是群体扩增的接下来一步,所产生的复杂部落则是最早的真正政治实体。社会发展中的下一个进步,则是宗教教派和政治社团的演进。这些作为秘密会社而出现,起初完全是宗教性的;随后它们变成了管理性的。最初它们都是男人的社团;后来女人的团体也出现了。不久它们分成了两类:社会政治性的和宗教神秘性的。   70:7.1 (790.4) Blood kinship determined the first social groups; association enlarged the kinship clan. Intermarriage was the next step in group enlargement, and the resultant complex tribe was the first true political body. The next advance in social development was the evolution of religious cults and the political clubs. These first appeared as secret societies and originally were wholly religious; subsequently they became regulative. At first they were men’s clubs; later women’s groups appeared. Presently they became divided into two classes: sociopolitical and religio-mystical.
70:7.2 (790.5) 这些会社之所以是秘密性的,有许多原因,例如:   70:7.2 (790.5) There were many reasons for the secrecy of these societies, such as:
70:7.3 (790.6) 1. 害怕因触犯某个禁忌而引起统治者的不满。   70:7.3 (790.6) 1. Fear of incurring the displeasure of the rulers because of the violation of some taboo.
70:7.4 (790.7) 2. 为了实施少数派的宗教仪式。   70:7.4 (790.7) 2. In order to practice minority religious rites.
70:7.5 (790.8) 3. 出于保留有价值的“精神”或保护贸易秘密的目的。   70:7.5 (790.8) 3. For the purpose of preserving valuable “spirit” or trade secrets.
70:7.6 (790.9) 4. 为了享有某种特殊的魔力或魔法。   70:7.6 (790.9) 4. For the enjoyment of some special charm or magic.
70:7.7 (790.10) 这些团体的极端秘密性,赋予了所有成员一种超出部落其他人的神秘力量。秘密性对虚荣心也有吸引力;入会者都是他们时代的社会贵族。入会之后,男孩们要同男人们一起去狩猎;而之前他们则和女人们一起采摘蔬菜。因未能通过青春期考验而被迫和妇女儿童一同待在男人住所外面,被认为是缺乏男子汉气概,这是一种极端的羞辱,也是部落的耻辱。另外,不能入会者也不允许结婚。   70:7.7 (790.10) The very secrecy of these societies conferred on all members the power of mystery over the rest of the tribe. Secrecy also appeals to vanity; the initiates were the social aristocracy of their day. After initiation the boys hunted with the men; whereas before they had gathered vegetables with the women. And it was the supreme humiliation, a tribal disgrace, to fail to pass the puberty tests and thus be compelled to remain outside the men’s abode with the women and children, to be considered effeminate. Besides, noninitiates were not allowed to marry.
70:7.8 (791.1) 原始人很早就教会其青少年对性的控制。习惯上从青春期直到结婚把男孩从父母身边带走,他们的教育和培训就交给了男人的秘密会社。这些社团的主要职能之一,就是要控制好青少年男子,从而防止私生子的出现。   70:7.8 (791.1) Primitive people very early taught their adolescent youths sex control. It became the custom to take boys away from parents from puberty to marriage, their education and training being intrusted to the men’s secret societies. And one of the chief functions of these clubs was to keep control of adolescent young men, thus preventing illegitimate children.
70:7.9 (791.2) 当这些男人的社团付钱玩弄那些来自其他部落的女人时,商业化的卖淫就开始了。但较早的团体极大避免了性的放纵。   70:7.9 (791.2) Commercialized prostitution began when these men’s clubs paid money for the use of women from other tribes. But the earlier groups were remarkably free from sex laxity.
70:7.10 (791.3) 青春期的入会仪式通常要持续五年时间。许多苦修和痛苦的割礼也进入到了这些仪式当中。割礼作为进入这些秘密社团之一的入会仪式而被最早实施了。把部落的标志刺到身上,也成为了这种青春期入会的一部分;纹身就是作为这样一种会员的标志而产生了。这种折磨,和诸多匮乏一道,旨在令这些年轻人变得坚强,让他们牢记生活现实及其不可避免的艰难困苦。这一目的由后来出现的竞技比赛和体能竞赛所更好的实现了。   70:7.10 (791.3) The puberty initiation ceremony usually extended over a period of five years. Much self-torture and painful cutting entered into these ceremonies. Circumcision was first practiced as a rite of initiation into one of these secret fraternities. The tribal marks were cut on the body as a part of the puberty initiation; the tattoo originated as such a badge of membership. Such torture, together with much privation, was designed to harden these youths, to impress them with the reality of life and its inevitable hardships. This purpose is better accomplished by the later appearing athletic games and physical contests.
70:7.11 (791.4) 但这些秘密会社的确曾致力于青少年道德的提高;青春期仪式的主要目的之一,就在于让男孩子谨记,他一定不要碰其他男人的妻子。   70:7.11 (791.4) But the secret societies did aim at the improvement of adolescent morals; one of the chief purposes of the puberty ceremonies was to impress upon the boy that he must leave other men’s wives alone.
70:7.12 (791.5) 在这些年的严格磨炼和培训之后,也就在结婚之前,年轻男人通常会获得解放,从而享受短期的闲暇和自由,之后他们会回来结婚,并要终生遵从部落的禁忌。而这一古代的习俗延续到了现代,则变成了“拈花惹草”这一愚蠢的观念。   70:7.12 (791.5) Following these years of rigorous discipline and training and just before marriage, the young men were usually released for a short period of leisure and freedom, after which they returned to marry and to submit to lifelong subjection to the tribal taboos. And this ancient custom has continued down to modern times as the foolish notion of “sowing wild oats.”
70:7.13 (791.6) 许多后来的部落也认可了女性秘密社团的形成,其目的在于让青少年女子为妻子身份和母亲身份做好准备。在入会之后,女孩子才有资格结婚,并被允许参加“新娘展示”,也就是那个时代的社交聚会。女人们对婚姻所承诺的誓约很早便出现了。   70:7.13 (791.6) Many later tribes sanctioned the formation of women’s secret clubs, the purpose of which was to prepare adolescent girls for wifehood and motherhood. After initiation girls were eligible for marriage and were permitted to attend the “bride show,” the coming-out party of those days. Women’s orders pledged against marriage early came into existence.
70:7.14 (791.7) 不久,当成群未婚男人和成群未婚女子形成了他们各自的组织时,非秘密性的社团便出现了。这些社团事实上就是最早的学校。尽管男人的社团和女人的社团经常习惯于为难对方,但一些先进的部落,在与达拉玛希亚的导师们接触之后,便试验起了男女同校,即有了供两性寄宿的学校。   70:7.14 (791.7) Presently nonsecret clubs made their appearance when groups of unmarried men and groups of unattached women formed their separate organizations. These associations were really the first schools. And while men’s and women’s clubs were often given to persecuting each other, some advanced tribes, after contact with the Dalamatia teachers, experimented with coeducation, having boarding schools for both sexes.
70:7.15 (791.8) 秘密会社主要是通过他们入会的神秘特色,而促成了社会阶层的逐步构建。这些会社的成员起初会戴上面具,把好奇者从他们的悼念仪式上吓跑 -- 这就是祖先崇拜。后来,这一仪式发展成了一种假的降神会,鬼魂常被认为出现于此。古时的“新生”会社使用符号,并采用了一种特殊的密语。他们也誓绝某些食物和饮品。他们会担当夜间警卫之职,并以其他方式在各种不同的社会活动中发挥作用。   70:7.15 (791.8) Secret societies contributed to the building up of social castes chiefly by the mysterious character of their initiations. The members of these societies first wore masks to frighten the curious away from their mourning rites—ancestor worship. Later this ritual developed into a pseudo seance at which ghosts were reputed to have appeared. The ancient societies of the “new birth” used signs and employed a special secret language; they also forswore certain foods and drinks. They acted as night police and otherwise functioned in a wide range of social activities.
70:7.16 (792.1) 所有的秘密社团都强求宣誓,责成守信,并教导对秘密的保守。这些命令震慑并控制住了乱民。它们也担当警戒团体的职责,因此可以实施私刑。当部落处于战争状态时,他们是最早的间谍,而在和平时期,则是最早的秘密警察。最好的一点是,他们让肆无忌惮的君王坐立不安。为了抗衡他们,君王也培养了自己的秘密警察。   70:7.16 (792.1) All secret associations imposed an oath, enjoined confidence, and taught the keeping of secrets. These orders awed and controlled the mobs; they also acted as vigilance societies, thus practicing lynch law. They were the first spies when the tribes were at war and the first secret police during times of peace. Best of all they kept unscrupulous kings on the anxious seat. To offset them, the kings fostered their own secret police.
70:7.17 (792.2) 这些会社导致了最早政党的产生。最早的政党管理机构是“强者”对“弱者”。在古代,仅在内战之后才会有管理机构的更换,这充分表明了弱者已变强了。   70:7.17 (792.2) These societies gave rise to the first political parties. The first party government was “the strong” vs. “the weak.” In ancient times a change of administration only followed civil war, abundant proof that the weak had become strong.
70:7.18 (792.3) 这些社团会被商人利用去收债,被统治者利用去征税。征税是一项长期的斗争,最早的形式之一是什一税,即猎物或战利品的十分之一。最初征税是为了维持王室,但后来发现,在伪装成供奉物以支持圣殿服务时,它们则更容易被征收。   70:7.18 (792.3) These clubs were employed by merchants to collect debts and by rulers to collect taxes. Taxation has been a long struggle, one of the earliest forms being the tithe, one tenth of the hunt or spoils. Taxes were originally levied to keep up the king’s house, but it was found that they were easier to collect when disguised as an offering for the support of the temple service.
70:7.19 (792.4) 不久以后,这些秘密社团变成了最早的慈善组织,后来又演变成了较早的宗教会社 -- 即教会的前身。最后,这些会社中有些变成了跨部落的,即最早的国际社团。   70:7.19 (792.4) By and by these secret associations grew into the first charitable organizations and later evolved into the earlier religious societies—the forerunners of churches. Finally some of these societies became intertribal, the first international fraternities.
8. 社会阶级 ^top   8. Social Classes ^top
70:8.1 (792.5) 人类智力和体力上的差异确保了社会阶级会出现。唯一没有社会阶层的世界,是最为原始的及最为先进的世界。一个刚开端的文明还未开始社会阶层的分化,而一个安住于光与生命当中的世界,则已在很大程度上消除这些人类的分级,这些分级正是所有中间进化阶段所特有的。   70:8.1 (792.5) The mental and physical inequality of human beings insures that social classes will appear. The only worlds without social strata are the most primitive and the most advanced. A dawning civilization has not yet begun the differentiation of social levels, while a world settled in light and life has largely effaced these divisions of mankind, which are so characteristic of all intermediate evolutionary stages.
70:8.2 (792.6) 随着社会由未开化状态演进到野蛮状态,其人类构成因下列一些大体的原因而趋向于群分成众多阶级:   70:8.2 (792.6) As society emerged from savagery to barbarism, its human components tended to become grouped in classes for the following general reasons:
70:8.3 (792.7) 1. 自然的 -- 交往、血缘关系和婚姻;最早的社会差异是基于性别、年龄和血统 -- 即与首领的血缘关系。   70:8.3 (792.7) 1. Natural—contact, kinship, and marriage; the first social distinctions were based on sex, age, and blood—kinship to the chief.
70:8.4 (792.8) 2. 个人的 -- 对能力、耐力、技能和毅力的识别,随后就是对语言掌握、知识和一般智力的识别。   70:8.4 (792.8) 2. Personal—the recognition of ability, endurance, skill, and fortitude; soon followed by the recognition of language mastery, knowledge, and general intelligence.
70:8.5 (792.9) 3. 偶然的 -- 战争和移民导致了人群的分离。阶级的演进被征服、即征服者与被征服者之间的关系所强有力地影响着,而奴隶制则导致了社会最早的大体分级,产生了自由民和奴隶。   70:8.5 (792.9) 3. Chance—war and emigration resulted in the separating of human groups. Class evolution was powerfully influenced by conquest, the relation of the victor to the vanquished, while slavery brought about the first general division of society into free and bond.
70:8.6 (792.10) 4. 经济的 -- 富裕和贫穷。财富和奴隶的占有,是社会阶级形成的一个遗传基础。   70:8.6 (792.10) 4. Economic—rich and poor. Wealth and the possession of slaves was a genetic basis for one class of society.
70:8.7 (792.11) 5. 地理的 -- 阶级伴随着城市或乡村定居地的产生而出现。城市和乡村分别导致了农牧业者和工商业者的分化,各具不同的观点和反应。   70:8.7 (792.11) 5. Geographic—classes arose consequent upon urban or rural settlement. City and country have respectively contributed to the differentiation of the herder-agriculturist and the trader-industrialist, with their divergent viewpoints and reactions.
70:8.8 (792.12) 6. 社会的 -- 各个阶级根据大众对不同群体社会价值的评估而逐渐形成。在这类最早的分级中,有了祭司和导师、统治者和武士、资本家和贸易者、普通劳动者和奴隶之间的划分。奴隶永远无法成为一个资本家,尽管有时雇佣劳动者会有幸加入资本家的行列。   70:8.8 (792.12) 6. Social—classes have gradually formed according to popular estimate of the social worth of different groups. Among the earliest divisions of this sort were the demarcations between priest-teachers, ruler-warriors, capitalist-traders, common laborers, and slaves. The slave could never become a capitalist, though sometimes the wage earner could elect to join the capitalistic ranks.
70:8.9 (793.1) 7. 职业的 -- 随着职业增多,它们趋向于建立众多阶层和行会。劳动者分成了三个群体:专业阶层,包括巫医,然后是技术工人,接下来是体力劳动者。   70:8.9 (793.1) 7. Vocational—as vocations multiplied, they tended to establish castes and guilds. Workers divided into three groups: the professional classes, including the medicine men, then the skilled workers, followed by the unskilled laborers.
70:8.10 (793.2) 8. 宗教的 -- 早期的教派社团在氏族和部落内部产生了其自身的阶级,祭司们的虔诚和神秘主义,长久以来使他们保持为一个单独的社会群体。   70:8.10 (793.2) 8. Religious—the early cult clubs produced their own classes within the clans and tribes, and the piety and mysticism of the priests have long perpetuated them as a separate social group.
70:8.11 (793.3) 9. 种族的 -- 两个或更多个种族在一个特定国家或是地域单元内的存在,通常就会产生肤色等级。印度最初的等级制度就是基于肤色,正如早期埃及的情况一样。   70:8.11 (793.3) 9. Racial—the presence of two or more races within a given nation or territorial unit usually produces color castes. The original caste system of India was based on color, as was that of early Egypt.
70:8.12 (793.4) 10. 年龄的 -- 青年人和成年人。在部落之中,只要男孩的父亲活着,他就会处在其父的监管之下,而女孩则留给其母亲照管,直到结婚为止。   70:8.12 (793.4) 10. Age—youth and maturity. Among the tribes the boy remained under the watchcare of his father as long as the father lived, while the girl was left in the care of her mother until married.
70:8.13 (793.5) 灵活而可变的各类社会阶级,对于一个逐渐演进的文明而言是不可或缺的,但当阶级变成了等级,当社会阶层僵化了时,社会稳定性的改善则是以个体主动性的降低来换得的。社会等级解决了在产业中找到自身位置的难题,但它也急剧缩减了个体的发展,并无形中阻碍了社会合作。   70:8.13 (793.5) Flexible and shifting social classes are indispensable to an evolving civilization, but when class becomes caste, when social levels petrify, the enhancement of social stability is purchased by diminishment of personal initiative. Social caste solves the problem of finding one’s place in industry, but it also sharply curtails individual development and virtually prevents social co-operation.
70:8.14 (793.6) 在社会中已自然形成的各个阶级将会持续下去,直到人类通过对一个渐进文明的生物性、智性和灵性资源的智能操纵,而逐渐实现其进化性的消除,例如:   70:8.14 (793.6) Classes in society, having naturally formed, will persist until man gradually achieves their evolutionary obliteration through intelligent manipulation of the biologic, intellectual, and spiritual resources of a progressing civilization, such as:
70:8.15 (793.7) 1. 对种族血统的生物性改进 -- 劣等人类血统的选择性淘汰。这将有助于根除许多凡人的差异。   70:8.15 (793.7) 1. Biologic renovation of the racial stocks—the selective elimination of inferior human strains. This will tend to eradicate many mortal inequalities.
70:8.16 (793.8) 2. 对出于此类生物性改进的增强脑力之教育性培训。   70:8.16 (793.8) 2. Educational training of the increased brain power which will arise out of such biologic improvement.
70:8.17 (793.9) 3. 对凡人亲情和兄弟情谊这些情感的宗教性鼓动。   70:8.17 (793.9) 3. Religious quickening of the feelings of mortal kinship and brotherhood.
70:8.18 (793.10) 但这些措施只有在未来遥远的数千年时间内才能结出真正的果实,尽管许多社会改进可立即通过对这些文明进步之促进因素睿智而耐心的操纵而产生出来。宗教是能将文明从混乱中提升出来的强有力杠杆,但若离开了健康而正常心智的支撑,它是无能为力的,而该心智又稳固依赖于健康而正常的遗传性。   70:8.18 (793.10) But these measures can bear their true fruits only in the distant millenniums of the future, although much social improvement will immediately result from the intelligent, wise, and patient manipulation of these acceleration factors of cultural progress. Religion is the mighty lever that lifts civilization from chaos, but it is powerless apart from the fulcrum of sound and normal mind resting securely on sound and normal heredity.
9. 人权 ^top   9. Human Rights ^top
70:9.1 (793.11) 自然并没有授予人类任何权利,而只授予了生命和一个可去生存在其中的世界。自然甚至也没有授予生存权,正如通过细想如果一个手无寸铁的人在原始丛林中,碰到一只饥饿的老虎有可能会发生什么而推导出来的那样。而社会给予人的首要礼物就是安全。   70:9.1 (793.11) Nature confers no rights on man, only life and a world in which to live it. Nature does not even confer the right to live, as might be deduced by considering what would likely happen if an unarmed man met a hungry tiger face to face in the primitive forest. Society’s prime gift to man is security.
70:9.2 (793.12) 逐渐地,社会彰显出了它的各种权利。在当前时代,它们是:   70:9.2 (793.12) Gradually society asserted its rights and, at the present time, they are:
70:9.3 (793.13) 1. 食品供应的保证。   70:9.3 (793.13) 1. Assurance of food supply.
70:9.4 (793.14) 2. 军事防御 -- 通过战备获得安全感。   70:9.4 (793.14) 2. Military defense—security through preparedness.
70:9.5 (793.15) 3. 内部和平的维护 -- 防止个人暴力和社会混乱。   70:9.5 (793.15) 3. Internal peace preservation—prevention of personal violence and social disorder.
70:9.6 (794.1) 4. 性控制 -- 婚姻、家庭制度。   70:9.6 (794.1) 4. Sex control—marriage, the family institution.
70:9.7 (794.2) 5. 财产 -- 拥有的权利。   70:9.7 (794.2) 5. Property—the right to own.
70:9.8 (794.3) 6. 对个人和集体竞争的培养。   70:9.8 (794.3) 6. Fostering of individual and group competition.
70:9.9 (794.4) 7. 为教育和培训年轻人做好准备。   70:9.9 (794.4) 7. Provision for educating and training youth.
70:9.10 (794.5) 8. 贸易和商业的促进 -- 产业的发展。   70:9.10 (794.5) 8. Promotion of trade and commerce—industrial development.
70:9.11 (794.6) 9. 劳动条件和报酬的改善。   70:9.11 (794.6) 9. Improvement of labor conditions and rewards.
70:9.12 (794.7) 10. 保障宗教活动的自由,为了使所有前述其他社会活动受到灵性上的激发而得以提升。   70:9.12 (794.7) 10. The guarantee of the freedom of religious practices to the end that all of these other social activities may be exalted by becoming spiritually motivated.
70:9.13 (794.8) 当权利久远到无法了知起源时,它们通常被称作“自然权利”。但人权并非真正是自然性的;它们完全是社会性的。它们是相对的、不断变化的,仅仅是游戏规则而已 -- 即对管控着不断变化的人类竞争现象之诸多关系的公认性调整。   70:9.13 (794.8) When rights are old beyond knowledge of origin, they are often called natural rights. But human rights are not really natural; they are entirely social. They are relative and ever changing, being no more than the rules of the game—recognized adjustments of relations governing the ever-changing phenomena of human competition.
70:9.14 (794.9) 在一个时代被视为权利的,在另一个时代可能不再如此。大量残障者和退化者的存续,并不是因为他们拥有自然权利去拖累二十世纪文明,而只是因为当代的社会习俗这样命定的。   70:9.14 (794.9) What may be regarded as right in one age may not be so regarded in another. The survival of large numbers of defectives and degenerates is not because they have any natural right thus to encumber twentieth-century civilization, but simply because the society of the age, the mores, thus decrees.
70:9.15 (794.10) 在欧洲的中世纪,人权几乎不被认可;那时,每个人都只是从属于他人,而权利仅仅是由国家或教会所授予的特权或恩惠。对这一错误的反感同样是不正确的,因为它导致了人人生而平等的信仰。   70:9.15 (794.10) Few human rights were recognized in the European Middle Ages; then every man belonged to someone else, and rights were only privileges or favors granted by state or church. And the revolt from this error was equally erroneous in that it led to the belief that all men are born equal.
70:9.16 (794.11) 弱者和劣势者总是为了获得平等的权利而斗争;他们总是坚持认为国家应该迫使强者和优势者提供他们所需,并以其他方式弥补那些不足,而这些不足时常是他们自身平庸和懒惰之自然结果。   70:9.16 (794.11) The weak and the inferior have always contended for equal rights; they have always insisted that the state compel the strong and superior to supply their wants and otherwise make good those deficiencies which all too often are the natural result of their own indifference and indolence.
70:9.17 (794.12) 但这种平等的理想是文明的产物;它在自然界中是无从发现的。甚至文明本身也确凿地显示了人们因其不平等的能力而由此产生的固有不平等性。对假定自然平等之突然的、非演进式的实现,必将迅速地把文明化的人类扔回到原始时代的粗陋惯例中。社会无法对所有人提供平等的权利,但它却可以保证带着公平与公正而给予每个人以不同的权利。社会的职责和义务是,为自然之子提供一种公正平和的机会去追求自我维持,参与自我延续,而同时又能享受某种程度的自我满足,所有这三者的总和构成了人类的幸福。   70:9.17 (794.12) But this equality ideal is the child of civilization; it is not found in nature. Even culture itself demonstrates conclusively the inherent inequality of men by their very unequal capacity therefor. The sudden and nonevolutionary realization of supposed natural equality would quickly throw civilized man back to the crude usages of primitive ages. Society cannot offer equal rights to all, but it can promise to administer the varying rights of each with fairness and equity. It is the business and duty of society to provide the child of nature with a fair and peaceful opportunity to pursue self-maintenance, participate in self-perpetuation, while at the same time enjoying some measure of self-gratification, the sum of all three constituting human happiness.
10. 公平的演化 ^top   10. Evolution of Justice ^top
70:10.1 (794.13) 自然的公平是一种人造的理论;它并不是一种实相。实际上,公平是纯理论性的,完全是一种虚构。自然只提供了一种公平 -- 即不可避免的因果相符。   70:10.1 (794.13) Natural justice is a man-made theory; it is not a reality. In nature, justice is purely theoretic, wholly a fiction. Nature provides but one kind of justice—inevitable conformity of results to causes.
70:10.2 (794.14) 公平,正如同人类所构想的那样,意味着获得自身的权利,因此,是一个渐进演化的问题。公平的概念在一个赋有灵性的心智中很可能是本构性的,但它却并不会全然存在于空间类世界上。   70:10.2 (794.14) Justice, as conceived by man, means getting one’s rights and has, therefore, been a matter of progressive evolution. The concept of justice may well be constitutive in a spirit-endowed mind, but it does not spring full-fledgedly into existence on the worlds of space.
70:10.3 (794.15) 原始人把所有现象都归因于一个人。如果发生了死亡,野蛮人不会问是什么杀死了他,而是问是杀死了他?意外性杀人因此而不被承认,而在犯罪的惩处中,罪犯的动机被完全忽略了;裁决是依照所造成的伤害而得以做出的。   70:10.3 (794.15) Primitive man assigned all phenomena to a person. In case of death the savage asked, not what killed him, but who? Accidental murder was not therefore recognized, and in the punishment of crime the motive of the criminal was wholly disregarded; judgment was rendered in accordance with the injury done.
70:10.4 (795.1) 在最早的原始社会中,民意可以直接起作用;法官是不被需要的。在原始生活中,毫无隐私可言。某个人的邻居们也要为他的行为负责;因此,他们有权刺探他的私事。社会是基于这样一种理论而得以监管,即集体成员应当关心、并在某种程度上操控每个人的行为。   70:10.4 (795.1) In the earliest primitive society public opinion operated directly; officers of law were not needed. There was no privacy in primitive life. A man’s neighbors were responsible for his conduct; therefore their right to pry into his personal affairs. Society was regulated on the theory that the group membership should have an interest in, and some degree of control over, the behavior of each individual.
70:10.5 (795.2) 人们很早就相信,鬼神会通过巫医和祭司而掌管着公平;这便构成了这些最早类别的犯罪侦员和官员。他们早期侦察犯罪的手段,在于利用毒药、火刑和肉刑来实施一些折磨。这些野蛮的折磨不过就是调停的粗陋手段,它们不一定要公正地解决纠纷。例如:当毒药被服下时,如果被指控者呕吐了,他便是无辜的。   70:10.5 (795.2) It was very early believed that ghosts administered justice through the medicine men and priests; this constituted these orders the first crime detectors and officers of the law. Their early methods of detecting crime consisted in conducting ordeals of poison, fire, and pain. These savage ordeals were nothing more than crude techniques of arbitration; they did not necessarily settle a dispute justly. For example: When poison was administered, if the accused vomited, he was innocent.
70:10.6 (795.3) 旧约就记载了这样一种折磨,一种有关婚姻犯罪的测试:如果一个男人怀疑他的妻子对他不忠,他就把她带到祭司面前并诉说他的怀疑,在此之后,祭司就会准备一种由圣水和来自圣殿地面的尘土所混成的调和物。在相应的仪式,包括一些威胁性的诅咒之后,被指控的妻子便要被迫喝下这种肮脏的药水。如果她是有罪的,“这致诅咒的水将进入她里面并变苦,她的肚腹将发胀,她的大腿将腐烂,这个女人将在她的民众中间被诅咒。”如果有女人能侥幸喝下这种肮脏的东西,而没有表现出身体不适的症状,那对于她猜忌丈夫所做的指控来说,她便是无罪的。   70:10.6 (795.3) The Old Testament records one of these ordeals, a marital guilt test: If a man suspected his wife of being untrue to him, he took her to the priest and stated his suspicions, after which the priest would prepare a concoction consisting of holy water and sweepings from the temple floor. After due ceremony, including threatening curses, the accused wife was made to drink the nasty potion. If she was guilty, “the water that causes the curse shall enter into her and become bitter, and her belly shall swell, and her thighs shall rot, and the woman shall be accursed among her people.” If, by any chance, any woman could quaff this filthy draught and not show symptoms of physical illness, she was acquitted of the charges made by her jealous husband.
70:10.7 (795.4) 几乎所有不断演进的部落,都曾一度采取过这些侦测犯罪的残暴手段。决斗是这类残酷审判的一种现代遗留。   70:10.7 (795.4) These atrocious methods of crime detection were practiced by almost all the evolving tribes at one time or another. Dueling is a modern survival of the trial by ordeal.
70:10.8 (795.5) 三千年前,希伯来人及其他半文明化的部落,采用这种原始的公平管理手段,这不足为奇,但令人震惊的是,有了理性的人们竟会在后来将这样一类野蛮的遗俗保留在了圣书合集的记载中。深入性思考应当弄清的是,关于对所怀疑婚姻不忠的侦测和裁定,没有任何神灵曾给过凡人这样一些不公正的指示。   70:10.8 (795.5) It is not to be wondered that the Hebrews and other semicivilized tribes practiced such primitive techniques of justice administration three thousand years ago, but it is most amazing that thinking men would subsequently retain such a relic of barbarism within the pages of a collection of sacred writings. Reflective thinking should make it clear that no divine being ever gave mortal man such unfair instructions regarding the detection and adjudication of suspected marital unfaithfulness.
70:10.9 (795.6) 社会很早便采用了偿还性的报复态度:以眼还眼,以命偿命。诸多不断演进的部落都承认这种血腥复仇的权利。复仇成了原始生活的目的,但宗教自那以来极大改变了这些早期部落的习俗。启示宗教的导师总是宣称,“上主说,复仇在我。”早期时代的复仇杀人,与现今假托不成文法的杀人没什么不同。   70:10.9 (795.6) Society early adopted the paying-back attitude of retaliation: an eye for an eye, a life for a life. The evolving tribes all recognized this right of blood vengeance. Vengeance became the aim of primitive life, but religion has since greatly modified these early tribal practices. The teachers of revealed religion have always proclaimed, “‘Vengeance is mine,’ says the Lord.” Vengeance killing in early times was not altogether unlike present-day murders under the pretense of the unwritten law.
70:10.10 (795.7) 自杀曾是报复的一种常见形式。如果一个人生前无法为自己复仇,他便会怀着这样一种信念死去,即作为一个鬼魂,他可以回来把愤怒发泄到他的敌人身上。由于这一信念是如此地普遍,以致在敌人门口自杀通常足以迫使对方妥协。原始人并不以为生命十分宝贵;因琐事而自杀是很普遍的,但达拉玛希亚人的教导极大削弱了这一习俗,而在更为近来的时代,休闲、舒适、宗教和哲学结合到了一起而使生活变得更为美好、更为合意。然而,绝食抗议则是这种旧时报复方式的一种现代对应物。   70:10.10 (795.7) Suicide was a common mode of retaliation. If one were unable to avenge himself in life, he died entertaining the belief that, as a ghost, he could return and visit wrath upon his enemy. And since this belief was very general, the threat of suicide on an enemy’s doorstep was usually sufficient to bring him to terms. Primitive man did not hold life very dear; suicide over trifles was common, but the teachings of the Dalamatians greatly lessened this custom, while in more recent times leisure, comforts, religion, and philosophy have united to make life sweeter and more desirable. Hunger strikes are, however, a modern analogue of this old-time method of retaliation.
70:10.11 (796.1) 先进部落的最早法规之一,涉及到把血仇当作一种部落事务而接管下来。但说来奇怪,只要一个男人完全买下了他的妻子,他就可以杀死她而不受任何惩罚。然而,今天的爱斯基摩人却仍将一个犯罪或是一场谋杀的处罚,交由受害家族来裁决和执行。   70:10.11 (796.1) One of the earliest formulations of advanced tribal law had to do with the taking over of the blood feud as a tribal affair. But strange to relate, even then a man could kill his wife without punishment provided he had fully paid for her. The Eskimos of today, however, still leave the penalty for a crime, even for murder, to be decreed and administered by the family wronged.
70:10.12 (796.2) 另一进步则是对违犯禁忌征收罚款,即提供罚金。这些罚金构成了最早的公共收入。支付“抚恤金”的做法,也作为一种血腥复仇的替代物而流行了起来。这种损害赔偿通常以女人或牛群的方式支付;很久以后,实际的罚金,即金钱的补偿才被评估作为对犯罪的惩罚。由于惩罚的观念实质上就是补偿,因此每样东西,包括人的生命,最终逐渐有了价格,都可被支付为损害赔偿金。希伯来人是最早废除了支付抚恤金做法的。摩西教导他们“不可收取赔偿来代替杀人者的命,他犯了死罪;他必被处死。”   70:10.12 (796.2) Another advance was the imposition of fines for taboo violations, the provision of penalties. These fines constituted the first public revenue. The practice of paying “blood money” also came into vogue as a substitute for blood vengeance. Such damages were usually paid in women or cattle; it was a long time before actual fines, monetary compensation, were assessed as punishment for crime. And since the idea of punishment was essentially compensation, everything, including human life, eventually came to have a price which could be paid as damages. The Hebrews were the first to abolish the practice of paying blood money. Moses taught that they should “take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, who is guilty of death; he shall surely be put to death.”
70:10.13 (796.3) 因此,公平最早是由家族所处理的,其后是氏族,再后才是部落。真正的公平管理起源于从个人或亲族集团手中接过复仇权,并将其置于社会集团、即国家的手中。   70:10.13 (796.3) Justice was thus first meted out by the family, then by the clan, and later on by the tribe. The administration of true justice dates from the taking of revenge from private and kin groups and lodging it in the hands of the social group, the state.
70:10.14 (796.4) 把人活活烧死的惩罚,一度是种普遍的做法。它曾被许多古代的统治者所认可,包括汉谟拉比和摩西,后者曾指示,许多的犯罪,特别是那些具有严重性犯罪性质的,应当通过火刑受到惩罚。如果“一个祭司的女儿”或其他领头居民转向公开卖淫,希伯来人的习俗是要“把她烧掉”。   70:10.14 (796.4) Punishment by burning alive was once a common practice. It was recognized by many ancient rulers, including Hammurabi and Moses, the latter directing that many crimes, particularly those of a grave sex nature, should be punished by burning at the stake. If “the daughter of a priest” or other leading citizen turned to public prostitution, it was the Hebrew custom to “burn her with fire.”
70:10.15 (796.5) 叛逆罪 -- 即“出卖”或者背叛自己的部落同伴 -- 是最早的死罪。偷牛普遍都被处以立即处死的惩罚,甚至近代,盗马也会受到类似的处罚。但随着时间流逝,人们认识到,惩罚的严厉性对犯罪构成的威慑不及其确切性和迅速性那样有用。   70:10.15 (796.5) Treason—the “selling out” or betrayal of one’s tribal associates—was the first capital crime. Cattle stealing was universally punished by summary death, and even recently horse stealing has been similarly punished. But as time passed, it was learned that the severity of the punishment was not so valuable a deterrent to crime as was its certainty and swiftness.
70:10.16 (796.6) 当社会没能惩罚犯罪时,群体的怨恨常常会表现为私刑;而避难所的提供是一种逃避此种突发性群体愤怒的方式。私刑和决斗则表现出个人不愿将私人纠纷交给国家。   70:10.16 (796.6) When society fails to punish crimes, group resentment usually asserts itself as lynch law; the provision of sanctuary was a means of escaping this sudden group anger. Lynching and dueling represent the unwillingness of the individual to surrender private redress to the state.
11. 法律和法院 ^top   11. Laws and Courts ^top
70:11.1 (796.7) 要想在习俗和法律之间划出清晰的界限,就如同要去确切指出黎明之际哪个时刻日以继夜一样困难。当不明确的习俗长久确立下来时,它们趋向于结晶为精确的法律、具体的规则以及十分明确的社会惯例。   70:11.1 (796.7) It is just as difficult to draw sharp distinctions between mores and laws as to indicate exactly when, at the dawning, night is succeeded by day. Mores are laws and police regulations in the making. When long established, the undefined mores tend to crystallize into precise laws, concrete regulations, and well-defined social conventions.
70:11.2 (796.8) 法律最初总是消极性的和禁止性的;在不断前进的文明中,它逐渐变得积极而有指导性。早期的社会消极地运作着,通过将“你不应杀人”的命令强加到所有其他人的身上,来授予每个人生存的权利。对个人每一次权利或自由的授予,都牵涉到对所有其他人自由的缩减,这是由禁忌即原始法律所造成的。禁忌的整个观念本质上就是消极的,因为原始社会在其组织方面是完全消极的,而早期的公平管理就在于禁忌的强制执行。但最初这些法律都只适用于部落成员,就像后来的希伯来人所表现的那样,他们在同外邦人打交道时,有一套不同的道德准则。   70:11.2 (796.8) Law is always at first negative and prohibitive; in advancing civilizations it becomes increasingly positive and directive. Early society operated negatively, granting the individual the right to live by imposing upon all others the command, “you shall not kill.” Every grant of rights or liberty to the individual involves curtailment of the liberties of all others, and this is effected by the taboo, primitive law. The whole idea of the taboo is inherently negative, for primitive society was wholly negative in its organization, and the early administration of justice consisted in the enforcement of the taboos. But originally these laws applied only to fellow tribesmen, as is illustrated by the later-day Hebrews, who had a different code of ethics for dealing with the gentiles.
70:11.3 (797.1) 宣誓起源于达拉玛希亚时代,是为了让证词更为真实。这种宣誓在于将一个诅咒发到自己身上。之前,没有任何个人会作不利于他自身群体的证词。   70:11.3 (797.1) The oath originated in the days of Dalamatia in an effort to render testimony more truthful. Such oaths consisted in pronouncing a curse upon oneself. Formerly no individual would testify against his native group.
70:11.4 (797.2) 犯罪是对部落习俗的侵犯,罪恶则是对那些受到鬼魂认可的禁忌之违反,由于未能将犯罪和罪恶区分开来,曾存在过长期的混淆。   70:11.4 (797.2) Crime was an assault upon the tribal mores, sin was the transgression of those taboos which enjoyed ghost sanction, and there was long confusion due to the failure to segregate crime and sin.
70:11.5 (797.3) 自我利益确立了杀戮上的禁忌,社会将它视为传统习俗,而宗教则将这一习俗圣化为道德法则,所有这三者就这样协力使人类生活变得更为安全和神圣。在早期时代,如果权力未获得宗教的认可,那么社会就不可能维系在一起,迷信则是漫长演进时代中的道德与社会督察力。古人们都宣称,他们古老的法律、禁忌,都是诸神赐予他们祖先的。   70:11.5 (797.3) Self-interest established the taboo on killing, society sanctified it as traditional mores, while religion consecrated the custom as moral law, and thus did all three conspire in rendering human life more safe and sacred. Society could not have held together during early times had not rights had the sanction of religion; superstition was the moral and social police force of the long evolutionary ages. The ancients all claimed that their olden laws, the taboos, had been given to their ancestors by the gods.
70:11.6 (797.4) 法律是对长期人类经验的一种成文性记录,是结晶化和合法化了的民意。习俗是积累起来的经验之原材料,后来的统治者基于此才制定出成文法。古代的法官并没有法律可循。当他下发一项裁决时,他只是说:“这是规矩”。   70:11.6 (797.4) Law is a codified record of long human experience, public opinion crystallized and legalized. The mores were the raw material of accumulated experience out of which later ruling minds formulated the written laws. The ancient judge had no laws. When he handed down a decision, he simply said, “It is the custom.”
70:11.7 (797.5) 在法庭判决中参照先例,代表了法官试图让成文法与不断变化的社会状况相适应的努力。这对不断变化的社会状况,连同传统延续的威严性, 提供了渐进性的适应。   70:11.7 (797.5) Reference to precedent in court decisions represents the effort of judges to adapt written laws to the changing conditions of society. This provides for progressive adaptation to altering social conditions combined with the impressiveness of traditional continuity.
70:11.8 (797.6) 财产纠纷曾按许多方式得以处理,例如:   70:11.8 (797.6) Property disputes were handled in many ways, such as:
70:11.9 (797.7) 1. 通过销毁引起纠纷的财产。   70:11.9 (797.7) 1. By destroying the disputed property.
70:11.10 (797.8) 2. 通过武力 -- 由争夺者们以争斗方式解决它。   70:11.10 (797.8) 2. By force—the contestants fought it out.
70:11.11 (797.9) 3. 通过仲裁 -- 由第三方来决定。   70:11.11 (797.9) 3. By arbitration—a third party decided.
70:11.12 (797.10) 4. 通过诉诸于长老们 -- 其后诉诸于法院。   70:11.12 (797.10) 4. By appeal to the elders—later to the courts.
70:11.13 (797.11) 最早的法院便是受监管的拳击交战;法官只是仲裁人或裁判者。他们要确保争斗要按照认可的规则得以进行。在进入法院搏斗之时,每一方都要将定金交给法官,以在一方被另一方打败后支付费用和罚款。“强权即公理”。后来,口头的争论代替了身体的互殴。   70:11.13 (797.11) The first courts were regulated fistic encounters; the judges were merely umpires or referees. They saw to it that the fight was carried on according to approved rules. On entering a court combat, each party made a deposit with the judge to pay the costs and fine after one had been defeated by the other. “Might was still right.” Later on, verbal arguments were substituted for physical blows.
70:11.14 (797.12) 就解决纷争从而防止公众骚乱和私人暴力而言,原始公平的整个观念并不是那么公正。原始人并未对一件现在被视为不公的事情那么怨恨;人们理所当然地认为,那些拥有权力的人会自私地利用它。然而,任何一种文明的状况,都会由其法院的一丝不苟性和公平性及其法官的诚信性所确切决定的。   70:11.14 (797.12) The whole idea of primitive justice was not so much to be fair as to dispose of the contest and thus prevent public disorder and private violence. But primitive man did not so much resent what would now be regarded as an injustice; it was taken for granted that those who had power would use it selfishly. Nevertheless, the status of any civilization may be very accurately determined by the thoroughness and equity of its courts and by the integrity of its judges.
12. 公民管辖权的配置 ^top   12. Allocation of Civil Authority ^top
70:12.1 (797.13) 在管理机构演进中的剧烈斗争,与权力的集中有关。宇宙管理者们从经验中得知,居住性世界上的各个进化民族,最好由代表制类型的公民管理机构来管理,那时在良好协调的行政、立法和司法机构之间会保有一种适当的权力平衡。   70:12.1 (797.13) The great struggle in the evolution of government has concerned the concentration of power. The universe administrators have learned from experience that the evolutionary peoples on the inhabited worlds are best regulated by the representative type of civil government when there is maintained proper balance of power between the well-co-ordinated executive, legislative, and judicial branches.
70:12.2 (798.1) 尽管原始的管辖权是建立在实力、即体力的基础之上,理想的管理机构则是一种代表制体系,在这其中领导权是基于能力,但在野蛮时代,有着太多的战争,以致无法让代表制管理机构有效地运作。在管辖权分立和指挥权统一的长期争斗中,独裁者获胜了。原始性长老理事会的早期分散性权力,逐渐被集中到专制君主一人身上。在真正的君王到来之后,长老团体作为半立法、半司法性的咨询机构而存留下来,后来,具有同等地位的立法机构出现了,最终裁决性的最高法院从立法机构中分离出来而得以确立。   70:12.2 (798.1) While primitive authority was based on strength, physical power, the ideal government is the representative system wherein leadership is based on ability, but in the days of barbarism there was entirely too much war to permit representative government to function effectively. In the long struggle between division of authority and unity of command, the dictator won. The early and diffuse powers of the primitive council of elders were gradually concentrated in the person of the absolute monarch. After the arrival of real kings the groups of elders persisted as quasi-legislative-judicial advisory bodies; later on, legislatures of co-ordinate status made their appearance, and eventually supreme courts of adjudication were established separate from the legislatures.
70:12.3 (798.2) 君王是习俗、即最初不成文法的执行者。后来,他强制执行了立法法令,即民意的结晶。作为一种民意表达的公民议会,尽管出现得很缓慢,但却标志着一大社会进步。   70:12.3 (798.2) The king was the executor of the mores, the original or unwritten law. Later he enforced the legislative enactments, the crystallization of public opinion. A popular assembly as an expression of public opinion, though slow in appearing, marked a great social advance.
70:12.4 (798.3) 早期的君王受到习俗 -- 即传统或是民意的极大制约。在近来的时代,一些玉苒厦(Urantia)民族把这些习俗编入到管理机构的文献依据当中。   70:12.4 (798.3) The early kings were greatly restricted by the mores—by tradition or public opinion. In recent times some Urantia nations have codified these mores into documentary bases for government.
70:12.5 (798.4) 玉苒厦(Urantia)凡人们被赋予了自由权;他们应当创造自己的管理体系;他们应当采用自己的宪法或是其他有关公民管辖权和管理程序的宪章。在做好这后,他们还应选择最有能力且最当之无愧的成员来担当首席执行官。对于立法分支中的代表,他们应当只选举那些在智力上和道德上都符合资格的人来履行这些神圣的职责。至于其高等法院及最高法院的法官,也只有那些赋有天生能力且颇具经验智慧的人才应当被选中。   70:12.5 (798.4) Urantia mortals are entitled to liberty; they should create their systems of government; they should adopt their constitutions or other charters of civil authority and administrative procedure. And having done this, they should select their most competent and worthy fellows as chief executives. For representatives in the legislative branch they should elect only those who are qualified intellectually and morally to fulfill such sacred responsibilities. As judges of their high and supreme tribunals only those who are endowed with natural ability and who have been made wise by replete experience should be chosen.
70:12.6 (798.5) 如果人们想要保有其自由,那么他们必须要在选定了其自由宪章后,为其提供明智、聪慧而无畏的解释,为了防止以下情况的出现:   70:12.6 (798.5) If men would maintain their freedom, they must, after having chosen their charter of liberty, provide for its wise, intelligent, and fearless interpretation to the end that there may be prevented:
70:12.7 (798.6) 1. 行政或立法分支对不当权力的篡取。   70:12.7 (798.6) 1. Usurpation of unwarranted power by either the executive or legislative branches.
70:12.8 (798.7) 2. 无知而迷信煽动者的阴谋诡计。   70:12.8 (798.7) 2. Machinations of ignorant and superstitious agitators.
70:12.9 (798.8) 3. 科学进步的延滞。   70:12.9 (798.8) 3. Retardation of scientific progress.
70:12.10 (798.9) 4. 平庸者统治造成的僵局。   70:12.10 (798.9) 4. Stalemate of the dominance of mediocrity.
70:12.11 (798.10) 5. 邪恶少数派的主宰。   70:12.11 (798.10) 5. Domination by vicious minorities.
70:12.12 (798.11) 6. 被聪明而充满野心的奢望独裁者所控制。   70:12.12 (798.11) 6. Control by ambitious and clever would-be dictators.
70:12.13 (798.12) 7. 恐慌引发的灾难性破坏。   70:12.13 (798.12) 7. Disastrous disruption of panics.
70:12.14 (798.13) 8. 被肆无忌惮者所利用。   70:12.14 (798.13) 8. Exploitation by the unscrupulous.
70:12.15 (798.14) 9. 国家对公民的税收奴役。   70:12.15 (798.14) 9. Taxation enslavement of the citizenry by the state.
70:12.16 (798.15) 10. 社会和经济公平性的失效。   70:12.16 (798.15) 10. Failure of social and economic fairness.
70:12.17 (798.16) 11. 教会和国家相勾结。   70:12.17 (798.16) 11. Union of church and state.
70:12.18 (798.17) 12. 个人自由的丧失。   70:12.18 (798.17) 12. Loss of personal liberty.
70:12.19 (798.18) 这些便是一个进化世界上,担当代表制管理机器监管者的宪法法院所应有的宗旨和目标。   70:12.19 (798.18) These are the purposes and aims of constitutional tribunals acting as governors upon the engines of representative government on an evolutionary world.
70:12.20 (799.1) 人类试图完善玉苒厦(Urantia)管理机构的努力,涉及到完善管理渠道,使之适应不断变化的现时需求,涉及到改进管理机构内部的权力分配,之后涉及到选出真正明智的管理领袖。尽管存在着一种神圣而理想的管理形式,但这却无法被启示出来,而是必须要由诸个时空宇宙中每个星球的男男女女们缓慢而勤勉地发现出来。   70:12.20 (799.1) Mankind’s struggle to perfect government on Urantia has to do with perfecting channels of administration, with adapting them to ever-changing current needs, with improving power distribution within government, and then with selecting such administrative leaders as are truly wise. While there is a divine and ideal form of government, such cannot be revealed but must be slowly and laboriously discovered by the men and women of each planet throughout the universes of time and space.
70:12.21 (799.2) [由内巴顿(Nebadon)的一位麦基洗德所呈献。]   70:12.21 (799.2) [Presented by a Melchizedek of Nebadon.]