第121篇		Paper 121
迈克尔赠与的时代		The Times of Michael’s Bestowal
121:0.1 (1332.1) 在玉苒厦(Urantia)中道者联合兄弟会的十二员委员会监管下行事、并由我们类别主掌首领和记录类麦基洗德所共同襄助下的我，是一度配属给使徒安德鲁的第二类中道者，我被授权将对拿撒勒的耶稣之生平事务的叙述记录在案，因为它们由我这一类别的世间受造物所观察到，也因为它们随后被我临时守护人类对象所部分记录下来。安德鲁知道他的主（师傅）是多么小心翼翼地避免留下书面的记录，他坚定地拒绝了扩增他所书写叙述的副本。耶稣其他使徒所表现出的一种类似态度，极大延迟了诸福音书的写作。		121:0.1 (1332.1) ACTING under the supervision of a commission of twelve members of the United Brotherhood of Urantia Midwayers, conjointly sponsored by the presiding head of our order and the Melchizedek of record, I am the secondary midwayer of onetime attachment to the Apostle Andrew, and I am authorized to place on record the narrative of the life transactions of Jesus of Nazareth as they were observed by my order of earth creatures, and as they were subsequently partially recorded by the human subject of my temporal guardianship. Knowing how his Master so scrupulously avoided leaving written records behind him, Andrew steadfastly refused to multiply copies of his written narrative. A similar attitude on the part of the other apostles of Jesus greatly delayed the writing of the Gospels.
1. 基督后第一世纪的西方 ^top		1. The Occident of the First Century After Christ ^top
121:1.1 (1332.2) 耶稣并未在一个灵性衰退的时代期间来到这个世界；在他诞生之时，玉苒厦正经历着这样一种灵性思考和宗教生活的复兴，以致它在所有其先前后亚当历史中从未所闻，也从未在自那以来的任何时代经历过。当迈克尔在玉苒厦化身时，这一世界为这位造物之子的赠与提供了前所未有的、或是已经获得的最为有利条件。就在这些时期之前的数个世纪中，希腊文化和希腊语已传播到西方和近东，作为一个黎凡特民族的犹太人，在本质上是部分西方性的和部分东方性的，非常适于利用这样的文化和语言设置向东西方有效传播一种新的宗教。这些最为有利的状况因罗马人对地中海世界宽容的政治统治，而得到了进一步改善。		121:1.1 (1332.2) Jesus did not come to this world during an age of spiritual decadence; at the time of his birth Urantia was experiencing such a revival of spiritual thinking and religious living as it had not known in all its previous post-Adamic history nor has experienced in any era since. When Michael incarnated on Urantia, the world presented the most favorable condition for the Creator Son’s bestowal that had ever previously prevailed or has since obtained. In the centuries just prior to these times Greek culture and the Greek language had spread over Occident and near Orient, and the Jews, being a Levantine race, in nature part Occidental and part Oriental, were eminently fitted to utilize such cultural and linguistic settings for the effective spread of a new religion to both East and West. These most favorable circumstances were further enhanced by the tolerant political rule of the Mediterranean world by the Romans.
121:1.2 (1332.3) 诸多世界性影响的这一整套结合因保罗的活动而得以清楚地例示，他在宗教文化上是希伯来人所生的一个希伯来人，以希腊语宣讲一个犹太人弥赛亚的福音，而他本身却是一个罗马公民。		121:1.2 (1332.3) This entire combination of world influences is well illustrated by the activities of Paul, who, being in religious culture a Hebrew of the Hebrews, proclaimed the gospel of a Jewish Messiah in the Greek tongue, while he himself was a Roman citizen.
121:1.3 (1332.4) 像耶稣时代的文明在西方前所未有过。欧洲文明在一种非凡的三重性影响下得以统一和协调：		121:1.3 (1332.4) Nothing like the civilization of the times of Jesus has been seen in the Occident before or since those days. European civilization was unified and co-ordinated under an extraordinary threefold influence:
121:1.4 (1332.5) 1. 罗马的政治和社会体系。		121:1.4 (1332.5) 1. The Roman political and social systems.
121:1.5 (1332.6) 2. 希腊的语言和文化 -- 以及某种程度上的哲学。		121:1.5 (1332.6) 2. The Grecian language and culture—and philosophy to a certain extent.
121:1.6 (1332.7) 3. 犹太宗教和道德教导的快速传播影响。		121:1.6 (1332.7) 3. The rapidly spreading influence of Jewish religious and moral teachings.
121:1.7 (1332.8) 当耶稣诞生时，整个地中海世界是一个统一的帝国。良好的道路，第一次在世界历史上将许多主要中心相互连接起来。海洋没有海盗，一个伟大的贸易和旅行时代正在快速到来。欧洲直到基督后十九世纪才再次享有这样一个充满旅行和贸易的时期。		121:1.7 (1332.8) When Jesus was born, the entire Mediterranean world was a unified empire. Good roads, for the first time in the world’s history, interconnected many major centers. The seas were cleared of pirates, and a great era of trade and travel was rapidly advancing. Europe did not again enjoy another such period of travel and trade until the nineteenth century after Christ.
121:1.8 (1333.1) 尽管希腊-罗马世界内部和平和外部繁荣，但帝国的大多居民在肮脏和贫困中受苦。小部分上等阶层是富有的，悲惨而又穷困的下等阶层涵盖了人类大众。在那些日子，没有任何快乐繁盛的中等阶层；它仅在罗马社会才开始出现。		121:1.8 (1333.1) Notwithstanding the internal peace and superficial prosperity of the Greco-Roman world, a majority of the inhabitants of the empire languished in squalor and poverty. The small upper class was rich; a miserable and impoverished lower class embraced the rank and file of humanity. There was no happy and prosperous middle class in those days; it had just begun to make its appearance in Roman society.
121:1.9 (1333.2) 不断扩张的罗马与帕提亚诸邦之间的最先争斗在那时不远的过去得以结束，使得叙利亚落入罗马人手中。在耶稣的时代，巴勒斯坦和叙利亚正享有一段充满繁荣、相对和平、东西方土地有着广泛商业交往的时期。		121:1.9 (1333.2) The first struggles between the expanding Roman and Parthian states had been concluded in the then recent past, leaving Syria in the hands of the Romans. In the times of Jesus, Palestine and Syria were enjoying a period of prosperity, relative peace, and extensive commercial intercourse with the lands to both the East and the West.
2. 犹太人 ^top		2. The Jewish People ^top
121:2.1 (1333.3) 犹太人是更古老闪族的一部分，后者还包括巴比伦人、腓尼基人和罗马更为近期的敌人，迦太基人。在基督后第一世纪前段，犹太人是闪族人最为有影响的族群，他们恰好占据了世界上一个特有的战略地理性位置，因为那时它是为了贸易而加以统治和组织的。		121:2.1 (1333.3) The Jews were a part of the older Semitic race, which also included the Babylonians, the Phoenicians, and the more recent enemies of Rome, the Carthaginians. During the fore part of the first century after Christ, the Jews were the most influential group of the Semitic peoples, and they happened to occupy a peculiarly strategic geographic position in the world as it was at that time ruled and organized for trade.
121:2.2 (1333.4) 连接古代各国的许多大路都经过巴勒斯坦，它由此成为三个大陆的汇集之地或是集会中心地。巴比伦、亚述、埃及、叙利亚、希腊、帕提亚和罗马的旅行、贸易和军队，相继席卷过巴勒斯坦。从远古时代以来，许多自东方来的商队路线经过这一地区的某个部分通向地中海东岸的几个良港，从这儿舰船带着它们的货物送到所有沿海的西方。这一商队交通的一多半经过地处加利利的拿撒勒小镇，或通过其附近。		121:2.2 (1333.4) Many of the great highways joining the nations of antiquity passed through Palestine, which thus became the meeting place, or crossroads, of three continents. The travel, trade, and armies of Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, Syria, Greece, Parthia, and Rome successively swept over Palestine. From time immemorial, many caravan routes from the Orient passed through some part of this region to the few good seaports of the eastern end of the Mediterranean, whence ships carried their cargoes to all the maritime Occident. And more than half of this caravan traffic passed through or near the little town of Nazareth in Galilee.
121:2.3 (1333.5) 尽管巴勒斯坦是犹太人宗教文化的故乡和基督教的诞生地，但犹太人却外出到世界各地，居住在许多国家，在罗马和帕提亚各邦的每个省进行贸易。		121:2.3 (1333.5) Although Palestine was the home of Jewish religious culture and the birthplace of Christianity, the Jews were abroad in the world, dwelling in many nations and trading in every province of the Roman and Parthian states.
121:2.4 (1333.6) 希腊提供了一种语言和一种文化，罗马建造了道路并统一了一个帝国，但犹太人的散居，伴随他们二百多个犹太会堂和组织有序的宗教社区散布在罗马世界的四面八方，提供了诸多教化中心，天国的新福音在其中找到了最初的接待处，从这儿它随之散布到这一世界的大部分地区。		121:2.4 (1333.6) Greece provided a language and a culture, Rome built the roads and unified an empire, but the dispersion of the Jews, with their more than two hundred synagogues and well-organized religious communities scattered hither and yon throughout the Roman world, provided the cultural centers in which the new gospel of the kingdom of heaven found initial reception, and from which it subsequently spread to the uttermost parts of the world.
121:2.5 (1333.7) 每个犹太族的犹太会堂都容忍一小部分外邦人信徒，“虔诚者”或“敬神的”人们，正是在这一小部分皈依犹太教者中间，保罗使他早期大量的皈依者转向了基督教。甚至在耶路撒冷的圣殿也拥有其华丽的外邦人庭院。耶路撒冷和安提阿的文化、商业和崇拜之间，有着非常紧密的联系。在安提阿，保罗的门徒们最先被称作“基督徒”。		121:2.5 (1333.7) Each Jewish synagogue tolerated a fringe of gentile believers, “devout” or “God-fearing” men, and it was among this fringe of proselytes that Paul made the bulk of his early converts to Christianity. Even the temple at Jerusalem possessed its ornate court of the gentiles. There was very close connection between the culture, commerce, and worship of Jerusalem and Antioch. In Antioch Paul’s disciples were first called “Christians.”
121:2.6 (1333.8) 犹太人在耶路撒冷的圣殿崇拜集中化，同样构成了他们一神论存续之奥秘所在，以及培育并向世界发出一个有关所有民族的那一神和所有凡人之父的崭新而又扩展概念的应许。耶路撒冷的圣殿服务，代表了在一连串外邦人国家霸主和种族迫害者垮台面前一种宗教文化概念的存续。		121:2.6 (1333.8) The centralization of the Jewish temple worship at Jerusalem constituted alike the secret of the survival of their monotheism and the promise of the nurture and sending forth to the world of a new and enlarged concept of that one God of all nations and Father of all mortals. The temple service at Jerusalem represented the survival of a religious cultural concept in the face of the downfall of a succession of gentile national overlords and racial persecutors.
121:2.7 (1334.1) 这一时期的犹太人，尽管处于罗马的宗主权之下，但仍享有一种相当程度的自治，由于仍记得那时仅近来的由犹大•马加比及其直系继承者所实施的英雄解放事迹，他们对一个更为伟大的解放者、一个长久期待的弥赛亚的即刻出现充满期待。		121:2.7 (1334.1) The Jewish people of this time, although under Roman suzerainty, enjoyed a considerable degree of self-government and, remembering the then only recent heroic exploits of deliverance executed by Judas Maccabee and his immediate successors, were vibrant with the expectation of the immediate appearance of a still greater deliverer, the long-expected Messiah.
121:2.8 (1334.2) 犹太人王国巴勒斯坦作为一个半独立城邦存续的奥秘，包裹在罗马政府的外交政策中，它希望保持对叙利亚和埃及之间旅行所用的巴勒斯坦的道路，以及东西方之间商队路线之西端的控制。罗马并不希望任何力量在黎凡特兴起，它或许会抑制她在这些地区的未来扩张。令塞琉古帝国的叙利亚和托勒密王朝的埃及彼此竞争之目的所设的阴谋方针，使得扶植巴勒斯坦作为一个分开而独立的城邦成为必要。在帕提亚的不断兴起力量之前，罗马对埃及的退化以及塞琉古帝国逐渐衰弱政策，解释了为何一小群无力的犹太人能够几代对其北方的塞琉古帝国和南方的托勒密王朝保持其独立。对于周围更有力民族政治统治的这一富有成果的自由独立，犹太人将之归功于他们是“受选之民”，归功于雅威的直接介入。这样一种种族优越感，使得他们更难忍受罗马人的宗主权，当它最终降临到他们土地上之时。但即便在那一悲伤时刻，犹太人仍拒绝得知他们的世界使命是灵性的，而非政治性的。		121:2.8 (1334.2) The secret of the survival of Palestine, the kingdom of the Jews, as a semi-independent state was wrapped up in the foreign policy of the Roman government, which desired to maintain control of the Palestinian highway of travel between Syria and Egypt as well as the western terminals of the caravan routes between the Orient and the Occident. Rome did not wish any power to arise in the Levant which might curb her future expansion in these regions. The policy of intrigue which had for its object the pitting of Seleucid Syria and Ptolemaic Egypt against each other necessitated fostering Palestine as a separate and independent state. Roman policy, the degeneration of Egypt, and the progressive weakening of the Seleucids before the rising power of Parthia, explain why it was that for several generations a small and unpowerful group of Jews was able to maintain its independence against both Seleucidae to the north and Ptolemies to the south. This fortuitous liberty and independence of the political rule of surrounding and more powerful peoples the Jews attributed to the fact that they were the “chosen people,” to the direct interposition of Yahweh. Such an attitude of racial superiority made it all the harder for them to endure Roman suzerainty when it finally fell upon their land. But even in that sad hour the Jews refused to learn that their world mission was spiritual, not political.
121:2.9 (1334.3) 在耶稣时代期间，犹太人亦常忧惧多疑，因为他们那时被一个外人、以东人希律所统治，他通过聪明地逢迎罗马统治者而抓取了对犹地亚的封建君主权威，尽管希律表明了对希伯来人仪式惯例的忠诚，但他仍继续为许多异神建立了圣殿。		121:2.9 (1334.3) The Jews were unusually apprehensive and suspicious during the times of Jesus because they were then ruled by an outsider, Herod the Idumean, who had seized the overlordship of Judea by cleverly ingratiating himself with the Roman rulers. And though Herod professed loyalty to the Hebrew ceremonial observances, he proceeded to build temples for many strange gods.
121:2.10 (1334.4) 希律和罗马统治者们的友好关系，使得世界对犹太人的旅行变得安全，由此为犹太人向罗马帝国边远部分和外交缔约国家渐增渗入了新的天国福音。希律的统治对希伯来人哲学与希腊化哲学的进一步混合贡献颇多。		121:2.10 (1334.4) The friendly relations of Herod with the Roman rulers made the world safe for Jewish travel and thus opened the way for increased Jewish penetration even of distant portions of the Roman Empire and of foreign treaty nations with the new gospel of the kingdom of heaven. Herod’s reign also contributed much toward the further blending of Hebrew and Hellenistic philosophies.
121:2.11 (1334.5) 希律建造了凯撒利亚港，它进一步协助令巴勒斯坦成为文明世界的活动中心。他死于公元前4年，他的儿子希律•安提帕斯在耶稣幼年和布道期间统治加利利和比利亚，直至公元39年。安提帕斯像他父亲一样，是一位伟大的建造者。他重建了加利利的许多城市，包括重要的贸易中心塞佛瑞斯。		121:2.11 (1334.5) Herod built the harbor of Caesarea, which further aided in making Palestine the crossroads of the civilized world. He died in 4 b.c., and his son Herod Antipas governed Galilee and Perea during Jesus’ youth and ministry to a.d. 39. Antipas, like his father, was a great builder. He rebuilt many of the cities of Galilee, including the important trade center of Sepphoris.
121:2.12 (1334.6) 加利利人并未被耶路撒冷宗教领袖和拉比导师们怀着全面支持看待。在耶稣诞生时，加利利是更为外邦人的，而非犹太人的。		121:2.12 (1334.6) The Galileans were not regarded with full favor by the Jerusalem religious leaders and rabbinical teachers. Galilee was more gentile than Jewish when Jesus was born.
3. 在外邦人中间 ^top		3. Among the Gentiles ^top
121:3.1 (1334.7) 尽管罗马城邦的社会和经济状况并不是属于最高位，但广泛的国内和平和繁荣对迈克尔的赠与来说是有利的。在基督后第一世纪，地中海世界的社会由五个界限明确的阶层组成：		121:3.1 (1334.7) Although the social and economic condition of the Roman state was not of the highest order, the widespread domestic peace and prosperity was propitious for the bestowal of Michael. In the first century after Christ the society of the Mediterranean world consisted of five well-defined strata:
121:3.2 (1335.1) 1. 贵族。拥有金钱和官方权力的上等阶层，有特权的统治团体。		121:3.2 (1335.1) 1. The aristocracy. The upper classes with money and official power, the privileged and ruling groups.
121:3.3 (1335.2) 2. 商业团体。富商和银行家、贸易者 -- 大进口商和出口商 -- 跨国性商贾。		121:3.3 (1335.2) 2. The business groups. The merchant princes and the bankers, the traders—the big importers and exporters—the international merchants.
121:3.4 (1335.3) 3. 小中等阶层。尽管这一群体的确很小，但它却非常有影响，并提供了早期基督教会的道德骨干，这一教会鼓励这些群体继续其各种手艺和贸易。在犹太人中间，许多法利赛人属于这一贸易人阶层。		121:3.4 (1335.3) 3. The small middle class. Although this group was indeed small, it was very influential and provided the moral backbone of the early Christian church, which encouraged these groups to continue in their various crafts and trades. Among the Jews many of the Pharisees belonged to this class of tradesmen.
121:3.5 (1335.4) 4. 自由的最下等阶层。这一群体几乎很少有任何社会地位。尽管他们自豪于他们的自由，但他们却被置于极为不利之处，因为他们被迫与奴隶劳工竞争。上等阶层轻蔑地看待他们，认为他们除了繁殖目的以外毫无用处。		121:3.5 (1335.4) 4. The free proletariat. This group had little or no social standing. Though proud of their freedom, they were placed at great disadvantage because they were forced to compete with slave labor. The upper classes regarded them disdainfully, allowing that they were useless except for “breeding purposes.”
121:3.6 (1335.5) 5. 奴隶。罗马城邦一半人口是奴隶；许多是优良的个人，并很快晋升进入自由的最下等阶层中间，甚或是贸易人中间。大多数要么是平庸的，要么是非常低劣的。		121:3.6 (1335.5) 5. The slaves. Half the population of the Roman state were slaves; many were superior individuals and quickly made their way up among the free proletariat and even among the tradesmen. The majority were either mediocre or very inferior.
121:3.7 (1335.6) 奴隶制度，乃至对优良民族的奴隶制度来说，是罗马军事征服的一种特色。主人对其奴隶的权利是无条件的。早期的基督教会很大程度上由下等阶层和这些奴隶组成。		121:3.7 (1335.6) Slavery, even of superior peoples, was a feature of Roman military conquest. The power of the master over his slave was unqualified. The early Christian church was largely composed of the lower classes and these slaves.
121:3.8 (1335.7) 上乘的奴隶们通常会收到工资，通过积攒他们的收入，他们能够买到他们的自由。许多这样被解放的奴隶，在城邦、教会和商业世界中上升到高位。正是这种可能性，使得早期基督教会对这种改良的奴隶制度形式如此容忍。		121:3.8 (1335.7) Superior slaves often received wages and by saving their earnings were able to purchase their freedom. Many such emancipated slaves rose to high positions in state, church, and the business world. And it was just such possibilities that made the early Christian church so tolerant of this modified form of slavery.
121:3.9 (1335.8) 在基督后一世纪中，罗马帝国中并不存在任何广泛的社会问题。大部分民众认为他们自身属于他们碰巧诞生于其中的那一群体。有才华和有能力的个人总是能够通过开放的门户，从罗马社会的低等阶层上升到高等阶层，但人们大体上满足于他们的社会等级。他们对于阶层是没有自觉性的，他们也不将这些阶层区别视为不公平的和错误的。基督教绝不是一种试图改善被压迫阶层悲惨境遇的经济运动。		121:3.9 (1335.8) There was no widespread social problem in the Roman Empire in the first century after Christ. The major portion of the populace regarded themselves as belonging in that group into which they chanced to be born. There was always the open door through which talented and able individuals could ascend from the lower to the higher strata of Roman society, but the people were generally content with their social rank. They were not class conscious, neither did they look upon these class distinctions as being unjust or wrong. Christianity was in no sense an economic movement having for its purpose the amelioration of the miseries of the depressed classes.
121:3.10 (1335.9) 虽然女人在整个罗马帝国比在巴勒斯坦的受限制地位享有了更多自由，但犹太人的家庭奉献和自然深情却远超外邦人世界。		121:3.10 (1335.9) Although woman enjoyed more freedom throughout the Roman Empire than in her restricted position in Palestine, the family devotion and natural affection of the Jews far transcended that of the gentile world.
4. 外邦人哲学 ^top		4. Gentile Philosophy ^top
121:4.1 (1335.10) 外邦人从道德立场来看，是有点劣于犹太人的，但在较高贵外邦人心中仍存在着充满自然良善和潜在人性深情的丰足土壤，基督教的种子有可能在其中发芽，并产生一种充满道德品格和灵性成就的丰足收获。外邦人世界那时由四大哲学所主导，所有都多少源于较早期希腊人的柏拉图主义，这些哲学学派是：		121:4.1 (1335.10) The gentiles were, from a moral standpoint, somewhat inferior to the Jews, but there was present in the hearts of the nobler gentiles abundant soil of natural goodness and potential human affection in which it was possible for the seed of Christianity to sprout and bring forth an abundant harvest of moral character and spiritual achievement. The gentile world was then dominated by four great philosophies, all more or less derived from the earlier Platonism of the Greeks. These schools of philosophy were:
121:4.2 (1335.11) 1. 伊壁鸠鲁学派。这一思想学派致力于对快乐的追求，较好的伊壁鸠鲁派人并不惯于感官过度。至少这一教义帮助将罗马人从一种更为致命形式的宿命论中解脱出来；它教导人们可以做某件事来改善他们的世间地位，它的确有效地反对了无知迷信。		121:4.2 (1335.11) 1. The Epicurean. This school of thought was dedicated to the pursuit of happiness. The better Epicureans were not given to sensual excesses. At least this doctrine helped to deliver the Romans from a more deadly form of fatalism; it taught that men could do something to improve their terrestrial status. It did effectually combat ignorant superstition.
121:4.3 (1336.1) 2. 斯多葛学派。斯多葛主义是较好阶层的上乘哲学。斯多葛派人相信一种控制性的理性-命运主导了整个自然。他们教导人的灵魂是神性的；它被囚禁在充满物质性本质的邪恶身体中。人的灵魂通过与自然、与神和谐共存而获得自由；因此，美德成为其自身的报偿。斯多葛主义上升到一种高尚的道德理想，再未被任何纯人性的哲学体系所超越过。尽管斯多葛派人声称是“神的后代”，但他们却未能认识他，因此未能找到他。斯多葛主义保留为一种哲学；它从未成为一种宗教。他的追随者们寻求将他们的心智与万有之心智相和谐，但他们未能将自身想象为一个慈爱父亲的子女。保罗曾极为偏爱斯多葛主义，彼时他写道，“我已学会在任何处境中都能知足。”		121:4.3 (1336.1) 2. The Stoic. Stoicism was the superior philosophy of the better classes. The Stoics believed that a controlling Reason-Fate dominated all nature. They taught that the soul of man was divine; that it was imprisoned in the evil body of physical nature. Man’s soul achieved liberty by living in harmony with nature, with God; thus virtue came to be its own reward. Stoicism ascended to a sublime morality, ideals never since transcended by any purely human system of philosophy. While the Stoics professed to be the “offspring of God,” they failed to know him and therefore failed to find him. Stoicism remained a philosophy; it never became a religion. Its followers sought to attune their minds to the harmony of the Universal Mind, but they failed to envisage themselves as the children of a loving Father. Paul leaned heavily toward Stoicism when he wrote, “I have learned in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be content.”
121:4.4 (1336.2) 3. 犬儒学派。尽管犬儒派人将其哲学追溯到雅典的第欧根尼，但他们却将其教义的大多内容源于玛可文塔•麦基洗德教导的残留。犬儒主义原来更多是一种宗教，而非一种哲学。至少犬儒派人使他们的宗教哲学大众化了。在田地中和市场中，他们不断宣讲他们的教义，“人如果愿意，能够拯救他自己。”他们宣讲简朴和美德，并力劝人们无畏地面对死亡。这些漫游的犬儒派宣讲者做了许多，以为灵性饥渴的民众迎接后来的基督教传教士做好了准备。他们大众宣讲的计划与保罗的大公书信模式极为相像，并与其风格一致。		121:4.4 (1336.2) 3. The Cynic. Although the Cynics traced their philosophy to Diogenes of Athens, they derived much of their doctrine from the remnants of the teachings of Machiventa Melchizedek. Cynicism had formerly been more of a religion than a philosophy. At least the Cynics made their religio-philosophy democratic. In the fields and in the market places they continually preached their doctrine that “man could save himself if he would.” They preached simplicity and virtue and urged men to meet death fearlessly. These wandering Cynic preachers did much to prepare the spiritually hungry populace for the later Christian missionaries. Their plan of popular preaching was much after the pattern, and in accordance with the style, of Paul’s Epistles.
121:4.5 (1336.3) 4. 怀疑论学派。怀疑主义断言知识是荒谬的，信服和确信是不可能的。它是一种纯消极的态度，从未变得广泛过。		121:4.5 (1336.3) 4. The Skeptic. Skepticism asserted that knowledge was fallacious, and that conviction and assurance were impossible. It was a purely negative attitude and never became widespread.
121:4.6 (1336.4) 这些哲学都是半宗教性的；它们时常是令人振奋的、伦理性的、使人高尚的，但通常又是在大众之上的。除了犬儒主义有可能是例外，它们都是针对强者和智者的哲学，而非针对穷者和弱者的救赎宗教。		121:4.6 (1336.4) These philosophies were semireligious; they were often invigorating, ethical, and ennobling but were usually above the common people. With the possible exception of Cynicism, they were philosophies for the strong and the wise, not religions of salvation for even the poor and the weak.
5. 外邦人宗教 ^top		5. The Gentile Religions ^top
121:5.1 (1336.5) 在先前诸时代，宗教主要是一种部族和国家的事务；它并不时常是一种涉及个人的事务。诸神是部族性的或是国家性的，而非个人性的。这样的宗教体系，对于一般人的个人灵性渴望提供了很少的满足。		121:5.1 (1336.5) Throughout preceding ages religion had chiefly been an affair of the tribe or nation; it had not often been a matter of concern to the individual. Gods were tribal or national, not personal. Such religious systems afforded little satisfaction for the individual spiritual longings of the average person.
121:5.2 (1336.6) 在耶稣的时代，西方哲学的诸多宗教包括：		121:5.2 (1336.6) In the times of Jesus the religions of the Occident included:
121:5.3 (1336.7) 1. 异教教派。这些是希腊和拉丁神话、爱国主义和传说的结合。		121:5.3 (1336.7) 1. The pagan cults. These were a combination of Hellenic and Latin mythology, patriotism, and tradition.
121:5.4 (1336.8) 2. 帝王崇拜。这一将人作为国家象征的神灵化，被犹太人和早期基督徒所严重愤恨，直接导致了罗马政府对二者教会的严酷迫害。		121:5.4 (1336.8) 2. Emperor worship. This deification of man as the symbol of the state was very seriously resented by the Jews and the early Christians and led directly to the bitter persecutions of both churches by the Roman government.
121:5.5 (1337.1) 3. 占星术。来自巴比伦的这一伪科学，在整个希腊罗马帝国发展为一种宗教。即便在二十世纪，人类还未从这一迷信中完全解脱出来。		121:5.5 (1337.1) 3. Astrology. This pseudo science of Babylon developed into a religion throughout the Greco-Roman Empire. Even in the twentieth century man has not been fully delivered from this superstitious belief.
121:5.6 (1337.2) 4. 神秘宗教。在这样一个灵性上饥渴的世界上，一股充满神秘教派的洪流爆发了，即令大众倾心并许诺他们个人救赎的、来自黎凡特的各种新奇宗教。这些宗教快速成为希腊-罗马世界低等阶层的公认信仰。它们做了许多，来为极上乘基督教教导的快速传播铺好道路，后者呈现了有关神灵的一种宏伟概念，伴有一种针对智者的迷人神学，以及针对所有人之救赎的深刻提议，包括那些日子中无知但却灵性上饥渴的普通人。		121:5.6 (1337.2) 4. The mystery religions. Upon such a spiritually hungry world a flood of mystery cults had broken, new and strange religions from the Levant, which had enamored the common people and had promised them individual salvation. These religions rapidly became the accepted belief of the lower classes of the Greco-Roman world. And they did much to prepare the way for the rapid spread of the vastly superior Christian teachings, which presented a majestic concept of Deity, associated with an intriguing theology for the intelligent and a profound proffer of salvation for all, including the ignorant but spiritually hungry average man of those days.
121:5.7 (1337.3) 神秘宗教预示了国家信仰的结束，导致了众多个人教派的诞生。神秘之事有许多，但却是以如下为特征：		121:5.7 (1337.3) The mystery religions spelled the end of national beliefs and resulted in the birth of the numerous personal cults. The mysteries were many but were all characterized by:
121:5.8 (1337.4) 1. 某种神话传说，一种神秘之事 -- 它们的名字由此而来。一般说来，这一神秘之事涉及到某个神的生死以及复活的故事，正如密特拉的教导所例示的，它一度与保罗渐兴的基督教派同时代，并是它的一个竞争者。		121:5.8 (1337.4) 1. Some mythical legend, a mystery—whence their name. As a rule this mystery pertained to the story of some god’s life and death and return to life, as illustrated by the teachings of Mithraism, which, for a time, were contemporary with, and a competitor of, Paul’s rising cult of Christianity.
121:5.9 (1337.5) 2. 神秘之事是非国家性的，跨种族性的。它们是个人性的和联谊性的，由此产生了宗教性的兄弟会和众多宗派社团。		121:5.9 (1337.5) 2. The mysteries were nonnational and interracial. They were personal and fraternal, giving rise to religious brotherhoods and numerous sectarian societies.
121:5.10 (1337.6) 3. 在其服务上，它们是以精心设计的入会仪式和令人印象深刻的崇拜圣礼为特征的。它们的仪式典礼有时是可怕的和令人反感的。		121:5.10 (1337.6) 3. They were, in their services, characterized by elaborate ceremonies of initiation and impressive sacraments of worship. Their secret rites and rituals were sometimes gruesome and revolting.
121:5.11 (1337.7) 4. 但无论它们仪式之本质或是它们过分之程度如何，这些神秘之事无不许诺它们信徒的救赎，“从邪恶中的解脱，死后续存，以及在超出这一充满悲伤和奴役世界以外至福领域的持久生活。”		121:5.11 (1337.7) 4. But no matter what the nature of their ceremonies or the degree of their excesses, these mysteries invariably promised their devotees salvation, “deliverance from evil, survival after death, and enduring life in blissful realms beyond this world of sorrow and slavery.”
121:5.12 (1337.8) 但不要犯下将耶稣的教导与神秘之事相混淆的错误。神秘之事的流行展示了人对续存的追求，由此描绘出一种对人格性宗教和个人正义的真正渴求。尽管神秘之事未能充分满足这一渴求，但它们的确为耶稣的随后出现铺好了道路，后者真正将生命之粮以及由之而来的生命之水带到这个世界。		121:5.12 (1337.8) But do not make the mistake of confusing the teachings of Jesus with the mysteries. The popularity of the mysteries reveals man’s quest for survival, thus portraying a real hunger and thirst for personal religion and individual righteousness. Although the mysteries failed adequately to satisfy this longing, they did prepare the way for the subsequent appearance of Jesus, who truly brought to this world the bread of life and the water thereof.
121:5.13 (1337.9) 保罗在试图利用对较好类型神秘宗教广泛依附的努力中，对耶稣的教导做了某些改编，以令它们对一大批可能的皈依者更易接受。但即便保罗对耶稣教导的妥协（基督教），也比神秘之事中最好的宗教优越，是因为：		121:5.13 (1337.9) Paul, in an effort to utilize the widespread adherence to the better types of the mystery religions, made certain adaptations of the teachings of Jesus so as to render them more acceptable to a larger number of prospective converts. But even Paul’s compromise of Jesus’ teachings (Christianity) was superior to the best in the mysteries in that:
121:5.14 (1337.10) 1. 保罗教导一种道德性赎回，一种伦理性救赎，基督教指向一种新的生活，并宣称一种新的理想。保罗放弃了魔法仪式和典礼施用。		121:5.14 (1337.10) 1. Paul taught a moral redemption, an ethical salvation. Christianity pointed to a new life and proclaimed a new ideal. Paul forsook magic rites and ceremonial enchantments.
121:5.15 (1337.11) 2. 基督教呈现了一种与人类问题之最终解决相搏的宗教，因为它不仅提供了从悲伤乃至从死亡中的救赎，它也许诺了从罪中的解脱，紧接以具有永恒续存品质之正义品格的赋与。		121:5.15 (1337.11) 2. Christianity presented a religion which grappled with final solutions of the human problem, for it not only offered salvation from sorrow and even from death, but it also promised deliverance from sin followed by the endowment of a righteous character of eternal survival qualities.
121:5.16 (1338.1) 3. 神秘之事是建立在神话之上。基督教，正如保罗所宣扬的，是建立在一个历史事实之上：即神子迈克尔赠与到人类之上。		121:5.16 (1338.1) 3. The mysteries were built upon myths. Christianity, as Paul preached it, was founded upon a historic fact: the bestowal of Michael, the Son of God, upon mankind.
121:5.17 (1338.2) 外邦人中间的道德性未必与哲学和宗教相关。在巴勒斯坦之外，人们并不总是以为一个宗教的祭司应该引领一种道德的生活。犹太人的宗教和随后耶稣的教导，以及不断演进的保罗基督教，是最先将一手放在道德上，另一手放在伦理上的欧洲宗教，坚称笃信宗教者对两者都予以注意。		121:5.17 (1338.2) Morality among the gentiles was not necessarily related to either philosophy or religion. Outside of Palestine it not always occurred to people that a priest of religion was supposed to lead a moral life. Jewish religion and subsequently the teachings of Jesus and later the evolving Christianity of Paul were the first European religions to lay one hand upon morals and the other upon ethics, insisting that religionists pay some attention to both.
121:5.18 (1338.3) 在巴勒斯坦，耶稣诞生于这样一代被这种不完满的哲学体系所主导、被这种复杂宗教派别所迷惑的人们中间。对这同一代人，他随后给出了他有关人格性宗教的福音 -- 与神的子女关系。		121:5.18 (1338.3) Into such a generation of men, dominated by such incomplete systems of philosophy and perplexed by such complex cults of religion, Jesus was born in Palestine. And to this same generation he subsequently gave his gospel of personal religion—sonship with God.
6. 希伯来宗教 ^top		6. The Hebrew Religion ^top
121:6.1 (1338.4) 到基督前第一世纪末期，耶路撒冷的宗教思想已受到希腊文化教导的极大影响，甚至被希腊哲学多少改变了。在希伯来思想东西方学派观点的长期争论中，耶路撒冷及西方和黎凡特的余地大体上采纳了西方犹太人的、或是改良了的希腊化观点。		121:6.1 (1338.4) By the close of the first century before Christ the religious thought of Jerusalem had been tremendously influenced and somewhat modified by Greek cultural teachings and even by Greek philosophy. In the long contest between the views of the Eastern and Western schools of Hebrew thought, Jerusalem and the rest of the Occident and the Levant in general adopted the Western Jewish or modified Hellenistic viewpoint.
121:6.2 (1338.5) 在耶稣的时代，三种语言在巴勒斯坦流行：普通人说阿拉姆语的某种方言；祭司和拉比说希伯来语；犹太人受教育阶层和较好阶层一般说希腊语。希伯来语经典在亚历山大早期翻译成希腊文，在很大程度上是犹太文化和神学之希腊语派别随后占优势的缘由。基督教导师们的作品不久也以同样语言出现。犹太教的复兴始于对希伯来语经典的希腊语翻译，这是一个至关重要的影响，它后来决定了保罗的基督教派流向西方，而非流向东方。		121:6.2 (1338.5) In the days of Jesus three languages prevailed in Palestine: The common people spoke some dialect of Aramaic; the priests and rabbis spoke Hebrew; the educated classes and the better strata of Jews in general spoke Greek. The early translation of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek at Alexandria was responsible in no small measure for the subsequent predominance of the Greek wing of Jewish culture and theology. And the writings of the Christian teachers were soon to appear in the same language. The renaissance of Judaism dates from the Greek translation of the Hebrew scriptures. This was a vital influence which later determined the drift of Paul’s Christian cult toward the West instead of toward the East.
121:6.3 (1338.6) 尽管希腊化的犹太人信仰很少受到伊壁鸠鲁学派教导的影响，它们实质上却受到了柏拉图哲学和斯多葛学派自我克制教义的影响。斯多葛学派的巨大入侵，可用《马加比第四书》加以例证；柏拉图哲学和斯多葛教义的渗透，在《所罗门智慧书》中得以展示出来。希腊化的犹太人为希伯来语经典带来了这样一种寓意性阐释，以致他们发现在将希伯来神学与他们尊崇的亚里士多德哲学相一致的过程中，没有任何困难。但这也导致了灾难性的困惑，直到这些问题被亚历山大的斐洛所处理，他继续将希腊哲学和希伯来神学和谐化和系统化为一种紧凑而又相对一致的宗教信仰和实践体系。正是这一结合起来的希腊哲学和希伯来神学之后来教导，是耶稣生活时所教导的，也是保罗利用作为基础在其之上来构建他更为先进和富有启发的基督教派。		121:6.3 (1338.6) Though the Hellenized Jewish beliefs were very little influenced by the teachings of the Epicureans, they were very materially affected by the philosophy of Plato and the self-abnegation doctrines of the Stoics. The great inroad of Stoicism is exemplified by the Fourth Book of the Maccabees; the penetration of both Platonic philosophy and Stoic doctrines is exhibited in the Wisdom of Solomon. The Hellenized Jews brought to the Hebrew scriptures such an allegorical interpretation that they found no difficulty in conforming Hebrew theology with their revered Aristotelian philosophy. But this all led to disastrous confusion until these problems were taken in hand by Philo of Alexandria, who proceeded to harmonize and systemize Greek philosophy and Hebrew theology into a compact and fairly consistent system of religious belief and practice. And it was this later teaching of combined Greek philosophy and Hebrew theology that prevailed in Palestine when Jesus lived and taught, and which Paul utilized as the foundation on which to build his more advanced and enlightening cult of Christianity.
121:6.4 (1338.7) 斐洛是一位伟大的导师；自从摩西以来再没有一个人能在西方世界的伦理与宗教思想上施加过这样一种深刻的影响。就对同时代伦理与宗教教导体系中较好要素的结合而论，有七位杰出的人类导师：塞特，摩西，琐罗亚斯德，老子，佛陀，斐洛和保罗。		121:6.4 (1338.7) Philo was a great teacher; not since Moses had there lived a man who exerted such a profound influence on the ethical and religious thought of the Occidental world. In the matter of the combination of the better elements in contemporaneous systems of ethical and religious teachings, there have been seven outstanding human teachers: Sethard, Moses, Zoroaster, Lao-tse, Buddha, Philo, and Paul.
121:6.5 (1339.1) 保罗认出了斐洛在希腊神秘哲学、罗马斯多葛学派教义与希伯来人信奉律法的神学结合努力中所导致的许多不一致，但非全部，他明智地将这些从他前基督教基础神学中剔除了。斐洛为保罗领路，使他更为全面地恢复了天堂三位一体的概念，后者长期隐匿在犹太人的神学中。仅在一件事务中，保罗未能跟上斐洛，或是超越亚历山大这一富有且有教养的犹太人的教导，那便是赎罪的教义；斐洛教导了从通过流血而获宽恕之教义中的解脱。他也可能比保罗更为清晰地瞥见了思想调整者之实相和临在。不过，保罗的原罪理论，世代相传罪疚和天生邪恶以及由此而来的救赎教义，部分源于密特拉教派，与希腊神学、斐洛哲学或是耶稣教导很少有共同之处。保罗有关原罪和赎罪教导的有些方面源自于他自身。		121:6.5 (1339.1) Many, but not all, of Philo’s inconsistencies resulting from an effort to combine Greek mystical philosophy and Roman Stoic doctrines with the legalistic theology of the Hebrews, Paul recognized and wisely eliminated from his pre-Christian basic theology. Philo led the way for Paul more fully to restore the concept of the Paradise Trinity, which had long been dormant in Jewish theology. In only one matter did Paul fail to keep pace with Philo or to transcend the teachings of this wealthy and educated Jew of Alexandria, and that was the doctrine of the atonement; Philo taught deliverance from the doctrine of forgiveness only by the shedding of blood. He also possibly glimpsed the reality and presence of the Thought Adjusters more clearly than did Paul. But Paul’s theory of original sin, the doctrines of hereditary guilt and innate evil and redemption therefrom, was partially Mithraic in origin, having little in common with Hebrew theology, Philo’s philosophy, or Jesus’ teachings. Some phases of Paul’s teachings regarding original sin and the atonement were original with himself.
121:6.6 (1339.2) 《约翰福音》，对耶稣世间生活叙述的最后一部，大多依照后来亚历山大基督徒的观点而写给西方民众并呈现其故事的，这些人也是斐洛教导的门徒。		121:6.6 (1339.2) The Gospel of John, the last of the narratives of Jesus’ earth life, was addressed to the Western peoples and presents its story much in the light of the viewpoint of the later Alexandrian Christians, who were also disciples of the teachings of Philo.
121:6.7 (1339.3) 大约在基督的时期，一种对犹太人的奇怪情感逆转在亚历山大出现了，从这一先前的犹太人大本营发出了一股迫害的恶浪，甚至延伸到了罗马，成千上万人从那里被放逐了。不过这样一种歪曲运动是短命的；不久后，帝国政府便在整个帝国完全恢复了犹太人被剥夺的自由。		121:6.7 (1339.3) At about the time of Christ a strange reversion of feeling toward the Jews occurred in Alexandria, and from this former Jewish stronghold there went forth a virulent wave of persecution, extending even to Rome, from which many thousands were banished. But such a campaign of misrepresentation was short-lived; very soon the imperial government fully restored the curtailed liberties of the Jews throughout the empire.
121:6.8 (1339.4) 在整个世界，无论犹太人因为贸易或者压迫而发现自身被分散开来，所有人一致将他们的心集中在耶路撒冷的圣殿上。犹太神学因为它在耶路撒冷被阐释和实践而的确存续下来，尽管它有几次因某些巴比伦导师的及时介入而免于湮没。		121:6.8 (1339.4) Throughout the whole wide world, no matter where the Jews found themselves dispersed by commerce or oppression, all with one accord kept their hearts centered on the holy temple at Jerusalem. Jewish theology did survive as it was interpreted and practiced at Jerusalem, notwithstanding that it was several times saved from oblivion by the timely intervention of certain Babylonian teachers.
121:6.9 (1339.5) 这些分散开来的犹太人中有多达二百五十万经常来到耶路撒冷，庆祝他们的民族宗教节日。无论东方（巴比伦的）犹太人和西方（希腊语的）犹太人的神学和哲学差异如何，他们都同意耶路撒冷作为他们的崇拜中心，也都一直期盼弥赛亚的到来。		121:6.9 (1339.5) As many as two and one-half million of these dispersed Jews used to come to Jerusalem for the celebration of their national religious festivals. And no matter what the theologic or philosophic differences of the Eastern (Babylonian) and the Western (Hellenic) Jews, they were all agreed on Jerusalem as the center of their worship and in ever looking forward to the coming of the Messiah.
7. 犹太人和外邦人 ^top		7. Jews and Gentiles ^top
121:7.1 (1339.6) 到耶稣的时代，犹太人已得出了一个关于他们出身历史和天命的稳固概念。他们已在他们自身与外邦人世界之间构起了一堵坚固的分离之墙；他们怀着彻底的轻蔑看待所有外邦人的方式。他们崇拜律法文字，并沉迷于一种基于妄自尊大血统之上的自我正义形态。对于许诺的弥赛亚，他们已形成了先入为主的观念，这些期望中大多预想了一位将作为他们国家和种族历史之一部分而到来的弥赛亚。对于那些日子的希伯来人来说，犹太神学被不可避免地稳固下来，永远固定下来了。		121:7.1 (1339.6) By the times of Jesus the Jews had arrived at a settled concept of their origin, history, and destiny. They had built up a rigid wall of separation between themselves and the gentile world; they looked upon all gentile ways with utter contempt. They worshiped the letter of the law and indulged a form of self-righteousness based upon the false pride of descent. They had formed preconceived notions regarding the promised Messiah, and most of these expectations envisaged a Messiah who would come as a part of their national and racial history. To the Hebrews of those days Jewish theology was irrevocably settled, forever fixed.
121:7.2 (1339.7) 耶稣关于宽容和仁慈的教导和实践，与犹太人对于他们认为是异教徒的其他民族的存在已久的态度背道而驰。世代以来，犹太人已孕育了一种对待外在世界的态度，这使得他们不可能接受主关于人类灵性兄弟情谊的教导。他们不愿与外邦人平等分享雅威，同样不愿接受教导这类新奇教义的人作为神子。		121:7.2 (1339.7) The teachings and practices of Jesus regarding tolerance and kindness ran counter to the long-standing attitude of the Jews toward other peoples whom they considered heathen. For generations the Jews had nourished an attitude toward the outside world which made it impossible for them to accept the Master’s teachings about the spiritual brotherhood of man. They were unwilling to share Yahweh on equal terms with the gentiles and were likewise unwilling to accept as the Son of God one who taught such new and strange doctrines.
121:7.3 (1340.1) 文士、法利赛人和祭司阶层将犹太人置于仪式主义和律法主义的可怕束缚中，一种比罗马政治统治远为真实的束缚。耶稣时代的犹太人不仅受制于律法，也同样受到传统奴性要求的束缚，它们涉及并侵入了个人和社会生活的每一领域。这些细微的行为规则纠缠和主导了每个忠诚的犹太人，他们迅速拒绝他们当中擅自忽略他们神圣传统、敢于藐视他们长久尊敬的社会行为规则之一员，也就不足为怪了。他们很难怀着支持看待一个毫不犹豫与他们视为由父亚伯拉罕本身所命定教条相抵触之人的教导。摩西已给予他们律法，他们不愿妥协。		121:7.3 (1340.1) The scribes, the Pharisees, and the priesthood held the Jews in a terrible bondage of ritualism and legalism, a bondage far more real than that of the Roman political rule. The Jews of Jesus’ time were not only held in subjugation to the law but were equally bound by the slavish demands of the traditions, which involved and invaded every domain of personal and social life. These minute regulations of conduct pursued and dominated every loyal Jew, and it is not strange that they promptly rejected one of their number who presumed to ignore their sacred traditions, and who dared to flout their long-honored regulations of social conduct. They could hardly regard with favor the teachings of one who did not hesitate to clash with dogmas which they regarded as having been ordained by Father Abraham himself. Moses had given them their law and they would not compromise.
121:7.4 (1340.2) 到基督后一世纪之时，由公认导师、文士对律法所作口头阐释，已成为高于书面律法本身的一种权威。而所有这一切对于犹太人的某些宗教领袖来说，更容易召集民众反对接受一种新的福音。		121:7.4 (1340.2) By the time of the first century after Christ the spoken interpretation of the law by the recognized teachers, the scribes, had become a higher authority than the written law itself. And all this made it easier for certain religious leaders of the Jews to array the people against the acceptance of a new gospel.
121:7.5 (1340.3) 这些状况使得犹太人不可能履行他们作为充满宗教自由和灵性解放之新福音信使的神性天命。他们无法打破传统的束缚。耶利米讲过“律法要写在人们心中，”以西结说过“一个新的灵活在人的灵魂中，”《诗篇》作者祈祷过神要“创造一个清净的内心，更新一个正直的灵。”但当充满善行和受役于律法的犹太宗教成为传统派惰性之停滞的牺牲品时，宗教演进的运动则向西转向了欧洲的各个民族。		121:7.5 (1340.3) These circumstances rendered it impossible for the Jews to fulfill their divine destiny as messengers of the new gospel of religious freedom and spiritual liberty. They could not break the fetters of tradition. Jeremiah had told of the “law to be written in men’s hearts,” Ezekiel had spoken of a “new spirit to live in man’s soul,” and the Psalmist had prayed that God would “create a clean heart within and renew a right spirit.” But when the Jewish religion of good works and slavery to law fell victim to the stagnation of traditionalistic inertia, the motion of religious evolution passed westward to the European peoples.
121:7.6 (1340.4) 因此，一个不同的民族被召唤来将一个先进的神学带到世界，一套体现了希腊哲学、罗马人律法、希伯来人道德以及由保罗所阐述的、基于耶稣教导之上的充满人格圣洁和灵性自由之福音的教导体系。		121:7.6 (1340.4) And so a different people were called upon to carry an advancing theology to the world, a system of teaching embodying the philosophy of the Greeks, the law of the Romans, the morality of the Hebrews, and the gospel of personality sanctity and spiritual liberty formulated by Paul and based on the teachings of Jesus.
121:7.7 (1340.5) 保罗的基督教教派展现了其作为一种犹太人胎记的道德性。犹太人将历史视为神 -- 即运作的雅威之天意，希腊人为新教导带来了关于永生的更清晰概念。保罗的教义在神学和哲学方面不仅受到耶稣的影响，也受到了柏拉图和斐洛的影响。在伦理方面，他不仅受到基督的启发，也受到斯多葛派的启发。		121:7.7 (1340.5) Paul’s cult of Christianity exhibited its morality as a Jewish birthmark. The Jews viewed history as the providence of God—Yahweh at work. The Greeks brought to the new teaching clearer concepts of the eternal life. Paul’s doctrines were influenced in theology and philosophy not only by Jesus’ teachings but also by Plato and Philo. In ethics he was inspired not only by Christ but also by the Stoics.
121:7.8 (1340.6) 耶稣的福音，如他在保罗的安提阿基督教教派所体现的，与以下教导相融合了：		121:7.8 (1340.6) The gospel of Jesus, as it was embodied in Paul’s cult of Antioch Christianity, became blended with the following teachings:
121:7.9 (1340.7) 1. 皈依犹太教希腊人的哲学推理，包括一些他们有关永生的概念。		121:7.9 (1340.7) 1. The philosophic reasoning of the Greek proselytes to Judaism, including some of their concepts of the eternal life.
121:7.10 (1340.8) 2. 流行秘教的引人教导，尤其是由某个神所作祭献而得的赎回、救赎和拯救所形成的密特拉教义。		121:7.10 (1340.8) 2. The appealing teachings of the prevailing mystery cults, especially the Mithraic doctrines of redemption, atonement, and salvation by the sacrifice made by some god.
121:7.11 (1340.9) 3. 已建立的犹太宗教的坚定道德性。		121:7.11 (1340.9) 3. The sturdy morality of the established Jewish religion.
121:7.12 (1341.1) 耶稣时代的地中海罗马帝国、帕提亚王国和邻近的各民族，对于世界地理、天文学、健康和疾病都持有粗糙而又原始的观念；他们自然为拿撒勒的木匠崭新而又惊人的宣告所叹服。被善与恶灵附体的观念，不仅被应用到人类身上，每个岩石和每棵树也被许多人视为被灵所附。这是一个被魔法所迷的时代，每个人相信奇迹为普遍发生之事。		121:7.12 (1341.1) The Mediterranean Roman Empire, the Parthian kingdom, and the adjacent peoples of Jesus’ time all held crude and primitive ideas regarding the geography of the world, astronomy, health, and disease; and naturally they were amazed by the new and startling pronouncements of the carpenter of Nazareth. The ideas of spirit possession, good and bad, applied not merely to human beings, but every rock and tree was viewed by many as being spirit possessed. This was an enchanted age, and everybody believed in miracles as commonplace occurrences.
8. 以前的书面记载 ^top		8. Previous Written Records ^top
121:8.1 (1341.2) 尽可能与我们受命进行的工作相一致，我们已努力利用、并在某种程度上协调与耶稣在玉苒厦上的生活相关的现存记载。尽管我们享有使用使徒安德鲁遗失记载的权利，并受益于一大群在迈克尔赠与时代期间在世上的天界存有之合作（尤其是他此时人格化的调整者），但利用所谓的《马太福音》、《马可福音》、《路加福音》和《约翰福音》也是我们的目的。		121:8.1 (1341.2) As far as possible, consistent with our mandate, we have endeavored to utilize and to some extent co-ordinate the existing records having to do with the life of Jesus on Urantia. Although we have enjoyed access to the lost record of the Apostle Andrew and have benefited from the collaboration of a vast host of celestial beings who were on earth during the times of Michael’s bestowal (notably his now Personalized Adjuster), it has been our purpose also to make use of the so-called Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.
121:8.2 (1341.3) 这些《新约》记载源于以下情况：		121:8.2 (1341.3) These New Testament records had their origin in the following circumstances:
121:8.3 (1341.4) 1. 马可福音。约翰•马可写了（除安德鲁笔记外）最早、最简短的耶稣生平记载，他把主呈现为一个侍奉者，人们中的一人。尽管马可是一个在他所描述的许多场景周围徘徊的小伙子，他的记载实际上是据西蒙•彼得的福音所写。他早期与彼得结交，后来与保罗结交。马可在彼得鼓励下、并在罗马教会的最热切恳请下，写下这一记载。知道主多么一贯地拒绝在世上肉身期间写出他的教导，马可与使徒和其他主要门徒一样，对将它们付诸文字有所犹豫。但彼得觉得罗马教会需要这样一种书面陈述的协助，马可也同意了从事它的准备。他在彼得公元67年去世之前做了许多笔记，并依照彼得所赞成的为罗马教会准备的大纲，他在彼得死后不久开始了他的写作。这一福音书在接近公元68年末完成。马可完全依照他自身的记忆和彼得的记录写下。这一记载自那以来被相当大地改动了，许多段落被拿出来，某一后来事务被加在末尾来取代原初福音的后五分之一，后者在第一个手稿被复制之前就遗失了。马可的这一记载，与安德鲁和马太的笔记一起，是所有相继试图描述耶稣生平与教导之福音叙述的书面基础。		121:8.3 (1341.4) 1. The Gospel by Mark. John Mark wrote the earliest (excepting the notes of Andrew), briefest, and most simple record of Jesus’ life. He presented the Master as a minister, as man among men. Although Mark was a lad lingering about many of the scenes which he depicts, his record is in reality the Gospel according to Simon Peter. He was early associated with Peter; later with Paul. Mark wrote this record at the instigation of Peter and on the earnest petition of the church at Rome. Knowing how consistently the Master refused to write out his teachings when on earth and in the flesh, Mark, like the apostles and other leading disciples, was hesitant to put them in writing. But Peter felt the church at Rome required the assistance of such a written narrative, and Mark consented to undertake its preparation. He made many notes before Peter died in a.d. 67, and in accordance with the outline approved by Peter and for the church at Rome, he began his writing soon after Peter’s death. The Gospel was completed near the end of a.d. 68. Mark wrote entirely from his own memory and Peter’s memory. The record has since been considerably changed, numerous passages having been taken out and some later matter added at the end to replace the latter one fifth of the original Gospel, which was lost from the first manuscript before it was ever copied. This record by Mark, in conjunction with Andrew’s and Matthew’s notes, was the written basis of all subsequent Gospel narratives which sought to portray the life and teachings of Jesus.
121:8.4 (1341.5) 2. 马太福音。所谓据马太所说的福音，是为了对犹太人基督徒启迪而写的关于主生平的记录。这一记载的作者不断试图展示在耶稣的生活中他所做的许多事是“或许应验了先知所说的话。”马太的福音将耶稣描绘为大卫的一个后代，将他描绘为对律法和先知们展现出极大的尊敬。		121:8.4 (1341.5) 2. The Gospel of Matthew. The so-called Gospel according to Matthew is the record of the Master’s life which was written for the edification of Jewish Christians. The author of this record constantly seeks to show in Jesus’ life that much which he did was that “it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet.” Matthew’s Gospel portrays Jesus as a son of David, picturing him as showing great respect for the law and the prophets.
121:8.5 (1341.6) 使徒马太并未写下这一福音。它是由他的一个门徒伊萨多所写，他作为一个助手协助其作品，不仅有马太对这些事件的个人回忆，也是一种特定记录，后者由十字架受难后耶稣的话语组成。马太的这一记载是由阿拉姆语所写；伊萨多则以希腊语写成，将作品归功于马太并非有意欺骗，在那些日子里，学生以此方式来给他们导师以荣誉是习俗。		121:8.5 (1341.6) The Apostle Matthew did not write this Gospel. It was written by Isador, one of his disciples, who had as a help in his work not only Matthew’s personal remembrance of these events but also a certain record which the latter had made of the sayings of Jesus directly after the crucifixion. This record by Matthew was written in Aramaic; Isador wrote in Greek. There was no intent to deceive in accrediting the production to Matthew. It was the custom in those days for pupils thus to honor their teachers.
121:8.6 (1342.1) 马太的原初记载在公元40年被编辑和增订，恰在他离开耶路撒冷从事福音布道之前。它是一份私人记录，最后一个副本于公元416年在一个叙利亚修道院的火灾中被毁掉了。		121:8.6 (1342.1) Matthew’s original record was edited and added to in a.d. 40 just before he left Jerusalem to engage in evangelistic preaching. It was a private record, the last copy having been destroyed in the burning of a Syrian monastery in a.d. 416.
121:8.7 (1342.2) 伊萨多于公元70年提图斯的军队封锁耶路撒冷城之后从那里逃离，并将马太笔记的一个抄本随身带到了佩拉，在71年生活于佩拉之时，伊萨多写下了据马太所说的福音书，他也拥有马可叙述的前五分之四。		121:8.7 (1342.2) Isador escaped from Jerusalem in a.d. 70 after the investment of the city by the armies of Titus, taking with him to Pella a copy of Matthew’s notes. In the year 71, while living at Pella, Isador wrote the Gospel according to Matthew. He also had with him the first four fifths of Mark’s narrative.
121:8.8 (1342.3) 3. 路加福音。路加，皮西迪亚地区的安提阿医生，是保罗的一位外邦人皈依者，他写下了有关主生平的颇为不同的故事。他在公元47年开始追随保罗，并获悉耶稣的生平和教导。路加在他的记载中保留了许多主耶稣基督之恩典的内容，因为他从保罗及其他人那里收集了这些事实。路加将主呈现为“税吏和罪人的朋友。”直到保罗死后，他才将他的许多笔记编入福音中。路加于82年在亚该亚写成。他计划了三本有关基督和基督教历史的书，但就在他完成这些作品中的第二本《使徒行传》之前，死于公元90年。		121:8.8 (1342.3) 3. The Gospel by Luke. Luke, the physician of Antioch in Pisidia, was a gentile convert of Paul, and he wrote quite a different story of the Master’s life. He began to follow Paul and learn of the life and teachings of Jesus in a.d. 47. Luke preserves much of the “grace of the Lord Jesus Christ” in his record as he gathered up these facts from Paul and others. Luke presents the Master as “the friend of publicans and sinners.” He did not formulate his many notes into the Gospel until after Paul’s death. Luke wrote in the year 82 in Achaia. He planned three books dealing with the history of Christ and Christianity but died in a.d. 90 just before he finished the second of these works, the “Acts of the Apostles.”
121:8.9 (1342.4) 就对他的福音汇编材料而言，路加企图依赖于保罗叙述给他的关于耶稣生平的故事。因此路加福音在某些方面是据保罗所说的福音。但路加也拥有其他信息来源。他不仅访谈过他所记录的众多耶稣生平事迹的许多见证者，他也随身有一本马可福音抄本，也就是说，前五分之四，伊萨多的叙述，以及由一个名叫西德斯的信徒于公元78年在安提阿所做的简短记录。路加也拥有一个据说是由使徒安多鲁所做的一些笔记所形成的残缺不全而又大受改编的抄本。		121:8.9 (1342.4) As material for the compilation of his Gospel, Luke first depended upon the story of Jesus’ life as Paul had related it to him. Luke’s Gospel is, therefore, in some ways the Gospel according to Paul. But Luke had other sources of information. He not only interviewed scores of eyewitnesses to the numerous episodes of Jesus’ life which he records, but he also had with him a copy of Mark’s Gospel, that is, the first four fifths, Isador’s narrative, and a brief record made in the year a.d. 78 at Antioch by a believer named Cedes. Luke also had a mutilated and much-edited copy of some notes purported to have been made by the Apostle Andrew.
121:8.10 (1342.5) 4. 约翰福音。这一据约翰所说的福音，讲述了耶稣在犹地亚和耶路撒冷周围许多的工作，它们未被包含在其他记载中。这就是所谓的据西庇太之子约翰所说福音，尽管约翰并未写下它，他的确启发了它。自从最初写作以来，它被编辑过几次，也让它看起来由约翰本身所写。当这一记载得以做出时，约翰有了其他福音，他看到了许多内容被忽略了；相应的，他在公元101年鼓动他的同伴纳森，一名来自凯撒利亚的希腊犹太人开始写作。约翰提供了来自他记忆以及参考了已存在三份记载的材料。他并未拥有他自己的书面记载，被称为《约翰一书》的使徒书是由约翰本人所写，作为一封纳森在他指导下执行写作的说明信。		121:8.10 (1342.5) 4. The Gospel of John. The Gospel according to John relates much of Jesus’ work in Judea and around Jerusalem which is not contained in the other records. This is the so-called Gospel according to John the son of Zebedee, and though John did not write it, he did inspire it. Since its first writing it has several times been edited to make it appear to have been written by John himself. When this record was made, John had the other Gospels, and he saw that much had been omitted; accordingly, in the year a.d. 101 he encouraged his associate, Nathan, a Greek Jew from Caesarea, to begin the writing. John supplied his material from memory and by reference to the three records already in existence. He had no written records of his own. The Epistle known as “First John” was written by John himself as a covering letter for the work which Nathan executed under his direction.
121:8.11 (1342.6) 所有这些作者都呈现了耶稣的忠实画面，如他们所见、所记或是所听说的，他们有关这些遥远事件的概念被他们对保罗基督教神学的相继拥护所影响了。这些记载尽管是不完美的，但对于改变玉苒厦几近两千年的历史进程来说却是足够了。		121:8.11 (1342.6) All these writers presented honest pictures of Jesus as they saw, remembered, or had learned of him, and as their concepts of these distant events were affected by their subsequent espousal of Paul’s theology of Christianity. And these records, imperfect as they are, have been sufficient to change the course of the history of Urantia for almost two thousand years.
121:8.12 (1343.1) [致谢：在执行我重述拿撒勒的耶稣教导和重述其所行的委任中，我大量利用了所有记载来源和行星信息。我的主要动机是来准备一份不仅对当前生活的一代人有所启发的记载，还要对所有未来时代都有所助益。从可为我所获的庞大信息储存中，我选出了最适合完成这一目的的信息，我尽可能令我的信息来源于纯人类来源。仅当这类来源缺乏时，我才求助于那些超人类的记载。当有关耶稣生平和教导的观念和概念已被人类心智合意表达时，我一成不变地给予这类明显人类的思考模式以优先考虑。尽管我已寻求来调整更好的言语表达以与我们有关主生平教导之真实意涵和真正要义概念相一致，但我还是尽可能在我的叙述中遵循实际的人类概念和思想模式。我清楚地知道，那些在人类心智中起源的概念将会证明对所有其他人的心智更易接受，更有帮助。当无法在人类记载中或人类表达中找到必要的概念时，我才接下来求助于我自身世间受造物、即中道者类别的记忆资源，而当那第二类信息来源证明不够时，我便毫不犹豫求助于超行星类的信息来源。		121:8.12 (1343.1) [Acknowledgment: In carrying out my commission to restate the teachings and retell the doings of Jesus of Nazareth, I have drawn freely upon all sources of record and planetary information. My ruling motive has been to prepare a record which will not only be enlightening to the generation of men now living, but which may also be helpful to all future generations. From the vast store of information made available to me, I have chosen that which is best suited to the accomplishment of this purpose. As far as possible I have derived my information from purely human sources. Only when such sources failed, have I resorted to those records which are superhuman. When ideas and concepts of Jesus’ life and teachings have been acceptably expressed by a human mind, I invariably gave preference to such apparently human thought patterns. Although I have sought to adjust the verbal expression the better to conform to our concept of the real meaning and the true import of the Master’s life and teachings, as far as possible, I have adhered to the actual human concept and thought pattern in all my narratives. I well know that those concepts which have had origin in the human mind will prove more acceptable and helpful to all other human minds. When unable to find the necessary concepts in the human records or in human expressions, I have next resorted to the memory resources of my own order of earth creatures, the midwayers. And when that secondary source of information proved inadequate, I have unhesitatingly resorted to the superplanetary sources of information.
121:8.13 (1343.2) 我所收集和我准备这一有关耶稣生平和教导叙述所用的备忘录 -- 除了来自使徒安德鲁的记忆记录以外 -- 还包含了从两千多名人类身上汇集的关于耶稣教导之思想精华和卓越概念，他们在从耶稣时代起往下直到编写这些启示、更确切说是重述的时代生活过。仅当人类记载和人类概念未能提供一种充足的思想模式时，启示性许可才会被利用。我的启示委任禁止我求助于人类以外的信息或表达来源，直到我能证明我在纯人类来源中找到所需概念表达努力已失败之时。		121:8.13 (1343.2) The memoranda which I have collected, and from which I have prepared this narrative of the life and teachings of Jesus—aside from the memory of the record of the Apostle Andrew—embrace thought gems and superior concepts of Jesus’ teachings assembled from more than two thousand human beings who have lived on earth from the days of Jesus down to the time of the inditing of these revelations, more correctly restatements. The revelatory permission has been utilized only when the human record and human concepts failed to supply an adequate thought pattern. My revelatory commission forbade me to resort to extrahuman sources of either information or expression until such a time as I could testify that I had failed in my efforts to find the required conceptual expression in purely human sources.
121:8.14 (1343.3) 尽管我在我十一位协同中道者同伴的配合和记录类麦基洗德的监管下，依照我对其有效安排的概念及因我即刻表达之选择描绘了这一叙述，然而，大多数概念乃至我由此利用的某些有效表达，起源于许多种族人们的心智，他们在介于中间世代、往下直到那些此事从事之时仍健在世代期间生活在世上。在许多方面我更多担当一名汇集者和编辑者，而非一名独创性的叙述者，我毫不犹豫地挪用了那些更好的人类观念和概念，它们会使我对耶稣生平作出最为有效的生动描绘，它们会使我有资格以最为显著有益、最为普遍振奋人心的措辞重述他无比的教导。代表玉苒厦联合中道者兄弟会，我最为感激地向所有在下文中来用来进一步详细阐述我们对耶稣世上生活之重述的记载和概念来源致以我们的感恩之情。]		121:8.14 (1343.3) While I, with the collaboration of my eleven associate fellow midwayers and under the supervision of the Melchizedek of record, have portrayed this narrative in accordance with my concept of its effective arrangement and in response to my choice of immediate expression, nevertheless, the majority of the ideas and even some of the effective expressions which I have thus utilized had their origin in the minds of the men of many races who have lived on earth during the intervening generations, right on down to those who are still alive at the time of this undertaking. In many ways I have served more as a collector and editor than as an original narrator. I have unhesitatingly appropriated those ideas and concepts, preferably human, which would enable me to create the most effective portraiture of Jesus’ life, and which would qualify me to restate his matchless teachings in the most strikingly helpful and universally uplifting phraseology. In behalf of the Brotherhood of the United Midwayers of Urantia, I most gratefully acknowledge our indebtedness to all sources of record and concept which have been hereinafter utilized in the further elaboration of our restatement of Jesus’ life on earth.]